SAOIRSE32

13/2/2005

rogue taxi drivers

Sunday Life

DoE waging war on illegal taxis
Over 600 bogus cabbies busted in crackdown

By Alan Murray
13 February 2005

MORE than 600 bogus taxi drivers have been busted by the Department of the Environment in a major drive against illegal cabbies.

And the DoE has warned depot owners that they will now face certain prosecution, if they continue to employ unlicensed drivers.

Figures obtained by Sunday Life show that illegal cabbies have been fined a total of more than £60,000, as a special surveillance unit wages a war of attrition against rogue taxi drivers.

The campaign, launched in April 2003, has detected 600 unlicensed cabs so far and seized 200 taxi radios, hitting the pirates where it hurts - in the pocket.

A number of illegal taxis are believed to be operating from ‘front’ companies, run by loyalist and republican paramilitaries - particularly in north and west Belfast.

The DoE says 120 unlicensed drivers alone were found to be operating from 40 different depots, spread across the two areas.

Currently, there is no requirement for taxi companies to be licensed in Northern Ireland, so it is impossible to close down depots suspected of being fronts for terrorist organisations.

But consideration is being given to strengthening the law to close the loophole from next year.

Attacks on taxis in north Belfast by UVF and LVF elements since Christmas, have highlighted how innocent drivers can become caught up in a turf-war between rival factions.

And, while most of the firms operating in both areas are legitimate, the DoE is paying particular attention to the area because of the influence exerted by terrorist groups.

Said a spokesman: “It is impossible to give an indication of the number of taxi depots that may be operating vehicles that are unlicensed, in any part of the province. However, the department is aware that there is a higher number of illegal taxis operating in certain areas of the province.”

Since the DoE’s taxi enforcement team was created in April 2003, a successful test case has been taken against a depot for aiding and abetting the commission of the offences committed by drivers operating without a valid licence.

The DoE says the outcome of the case means it can now pursue similar prosecutions, across the province.

The plating of taxis has also added to the legitimising of many illegal driver and depot operations, the DoE added.

Adams for USA

Sunday Life

Adams for USA, with or without an invitation to the White House

By Alan Murray
13 February 2005

GERRY Adams is set to travel to Washington next month - even if he is snubbed by the White House on St Patrick’s Day.

The Sinn Fein president is planning an eight-day visit, starting with a meeting of the Council on Foreign Relations on March 14.

There is speculation the council, headed by former NI special envoy Richard Haass, will grill Adams over alleged IRA criminal activity, including the £26.5m Northern Bank robbery.

The US Consul in Belfast is making no comment on reports that Sinn Fein - and possibly all the Northern Ireland parties - could be frozen out of the annual March 17 bash, hosted by the President.

A senior aide to Gerry Adams said: “We are aware of the rumours but have no direct knowledge of any arrangements. It is a matter for the US administration, but we wouldn’t rule out interference from the British or Irish Governments, especially the Irish, because they are on a charge against Sinn Fein at this moment.

“We wouldn’t rule out the possibility that they would ask the Americans to do their dirty work, but we would point out that British ministers have no problem sitting in television studios with senior Sinn Fein figures.”

Meanwhile, the DUP’s Peter Robinson said barring all local political parties from the White House would be an “outrageous punishment of the innocent along with the guilty”.

Big Brother

Sunday Life

Union anger over Del’s ‘Big Brother’ politics quiz

By Ciaran McGuigan
13 February 2005

A GOVERNMENT department that quizzed its civil servants on their political affiliations was last night accused of “Big Brother” tactics.

The Department of Employment and Learning - headed by Education Minister Barry Gardiner - wrote to intermediate and senior civil servants last month, demanding to know of membership of political parties.

However, they were later forced to back down in their demands for political details, following pressure from trade unions.

The political activity allowed by various grades of civil servants is already laid out under Civil Service terms and conditions.

The move provoked an angry reaction from the NIPSA union.

NIPSA general council member, Patrick Mulholland, said: “This attempt to gather information on individuals has the air of political vetting and a police state.

“The fact that management have ignored accepted guidelines for political activity by civil servants, and have been attempting to gather information through improper channels is a source of concern.

“I would welcome the fact that the attempt has been stopped, but assurances must be given that this will not arise again.”

A DEL spokesman said: “This issue arose because of an Northern Ireland Audit Office recommendation to the department.

“The request to deputy principals was set aside for the time being, as the union indicated they should be consulted on the matter of such staff being asked, and with which the department readily agreed.

“The nature of the NIAO recommendation was that it be asked at lower grades which have significant responsibilities.”

The spokesman added that all replies they had received in relation to the poll had been destroyed.

cmcguigan@belfasttelegraph.co.uk

Shoukri fight KO’d

Sunday Life

KO for Shoukri charity fight
Opponent pulls out after UDA attacks on Shankill minister

Exclusive by Ciaran McGuigan
13 February 2005

THE charity boxing match between a UDA ‘brigadier’ and a born-again pastor has been delivered a fatal blow, following terror attacks on another minister.

Hardman preacher, Michael Cousins, was set to step into the ring with UDA boss, Andre Shoukri, to raise money for sick children.

But the Elim church pastor has pulled out of the fight, after the sick attacks on a Protestant minister, offering help to the family of a UDA feud victim.

Ruth Petticrew, who runs a ministry on the Shankill Road, was subjected to a campaign of terror, after she offered pastoral care to the family of slain Alan McCullough.

It culminated with a petrol-bomb attack on her car, last month.

The UDA was behind the murder of former Johnny Adair ally McCullough, and it is believed that the attack on Ms Petticrew’s car, and threats on her life, came from elements within the UDA.

And it is understood the attack was the final straw for church elders, who were already under pressure from their congregation over the controversial bout.

The Children’s Hospice - which was originally to benefit from the fight - had also distanced itself from the bout.

One church source told Sunday Life: “The church simply couldn’t have any more to do with this fight, because of the UDA connection.

“They weren’t going to stand back, and let the UDA attack one minister and, at the same time, get involved in charity events with the very same people.

“So, the whole thing has been pulled.

“It started off with good intentions, but attracted too much bad publicity, and involved too many bad people.”

The fight was due to take place at the end of February, in Ballysillan Leisure Centre, and £25-a-head tickets were being snapped up.

The organisers had even secured public liability insurance, to allow the boxing to go ahead.

But a Belfast City Council spokesman last week confirmed that the booking had been cancelled.

Orde recruiting ex-Special Branch

Sunday Life

Orde set to branch out
Drive to recruit former elite RUC cops to plug ‘intelligence gap’

Exclusive by Alan Murray
13 February 2005

CHIEF Constable Hugh Orde has launched a drive to recruit ex-Special Branch officers in a bid to smash the IRA’s Northern Bank robbery team.

The ex-RUC veterans are being brought in on short-term contracts, as cops desperately try to crack the top Provo gang suspected of a series of high-profile raids.

Security sources say the ex-Branch investigators have been given a brief to resurrect former touts, and gather intelligence about the plans and activities of paramilitary groups.

One source claimed the move was designed to “bridge the intelligence deficit”, which critics say now exists inside the new-look police service.

The move, which the PSNI declined to discuss, underlines the scale of the problem facing the force’s intelligence gathering section, now known as C-3 Intelligence.

Since the signing of the Agreement in 1998, around 400 experienced ‘Branch’ officers have left the force.

And around 300 informers were dumped last year, in a move to purge the PSNI of touts involved in criminal activities.

But critics say the policy has been exposed as seriously flawed over the last six years, as paramilitary killers on both sides have escaped prosecution.

And they point to a specialist IRA unit based in Belfast, which has pulled off robberies netting millions of pounds worth of cigarettes, electrical goods and cash.

Mr Orde has strenuously denied that the fact police had no prior hint of the Northern Bank heist, revealed shortcomings in its intelligence gathering.

But subsequent searches of homes and business premises have so far failed to uncover the trail of the stolen cash.

One informed security source said: “Experienced former officers have been recruited to help with bridging the serious intelligence deficit currently existing, and which is causing major problems.

“Some have been engaged on six-month contracts and given the task of reactivating former sources, and trying to make inroads into the tight circle of IRA activists who have been planning and carrying out the big robberies.”

The police refused to comment on claims that it has recruited former Special Branch officers in a bid to regain the intelligence initiative.

In a statement on Friday, the PSNI would only say that it required individuals with a range of specialist skills to perform its role in the community.

“However, we are unable to discuss appointments to individual posts within the police service,” the statement added.

Apologies not an even trade

IRA2

Apologies won’t bring back the missing years

Sunday Business Post
13 February 2005

There they were, ghosts from the past, still shuffling
along like actors from an old drama in search of its
denouement.

Gerry Conlon, Annie Maguire, Vincent and Patrick
Maguire, the last players in perhaps the last act of
the Guildford Four and the Maguire Seven dramas.

There they were, back on the evening news, making
their slow progress past the cameramen on their way
into the House of Commons.

Once more in the headlines, but this time the
authorities were inviting them to meet the prime
minister in his office behind speaker’s chair, rather
than the master of the rolls in Old Bailey Court
number five.

There was Gerry, older and portlier than the trembling
rake whose hand I had first been able to shake in the
reception hall at the Old Bailey as he made his
headlong plunge out the door to freedom in 1990 -
with, I remember, a plastic bag of clothes and four
LPs tucked under his arm. Not much in the way of
possessions, after 14 years on the blocks.

There was Annie Maguire herself, once the alleged
keeper of Sir Michael Havers’ infamous “bomb
factory’‘.

Annie, as always, looked her impeccable best, and I
wondered had she come by tube yet again for the big
day.

I remembered how she told me that, on the morning of
the verdict in 1975, she took the tube to the Old
Bailey, along with her two young wide-eyed and
wondering sons. The Maguires were all so convinced
that British justice would assert their innocence that
they and their Kilburn neighbours had arranged a
celebration party for that evening.

Instead, as night fell, Annie was being pumped full of
tranquilisers in the hospital wing of Wandsworth.

Her two terrified children were locked up in a young
offenders’ unit.

Her husband Paddy, brother-in-law Giuseppe and their
neighbour Pat O’Neill (who just happened to be in the
house when the law arrived) were getting the
time-honoured welcome from warders and inmates at
Wormwood Scrubs: shoes banging on doors and urine in
their breakfast after an all-night chorus of “What
shall we do with the fucking bombers?”.

Back in Kilburn, the old Maguire house was abandoned
like some ancient plague site. Annie’s little
daughter, now left behind, had to go to live with
relatives.

Subsequently, the council couldn’t find tenants to
live there, and eventually the local vandals smashed
the windows and doors, and wrecked all of Annie’s
furniture. People walking past would even cross the
street to avoid passing the ‘bomb factory’ that had
became a wino-squat.

By now, poor Annie, inconsolable at the loss of her
little daughter and sons, had been moved to the prison
hospital at the concrete tomb that was Durham Prison.

In the cell next door was Myra Hindley.

There, Annie finally met some real IRA bombers when
the convicted Gillespie sisters from Donegal came to
her bedside.

“Get up out of that bed, Annie, and don’t let them
give you any more of those tranquilisers, or you will
never survive,” they told her. “You’ll die in prison.”
She did get up, and she did survive.

And there too on the news was Annie’s son, Patrick.
Now on the edge of middle age, still waxing eloquently
about that strange prison in the mind, from which
victims of judicial miscarriage cannot ever escape.

After his father, mother and brother had been taken
down,12-year-old Patrick was left alone in the dock.
Seemingly, Judge Donaldson was confused and had
forgotten to sentence him - understandably enough. I
mean how many Maguires were there?

Uncertainly, Patrick looked at the warders ,who looked
at the judge, and then suddenly Sir Michael Havers,
prosecuting, was on his feet to ensure British justice
was done. “What does a bomb look like, young man?’ he
solemnly asked the child. Patrick’s bomb-making
knowledge had clearly been gleaned from technical
manuals like the Dandy and the Beano.

He replied: “It was like a black ball with a long wire
coming out of it.’’ For that, he got five years, and
went off to do his porridge, presumably with fellow
subversives like Beryl the Peril and Desperate Dan.

Down below in the holding cells, the scene was
unimaginable. Annie had collapsed on the floor. She
was receiving first aid, and her sons were on a nearby
bench.

Paddy, Giuseppe and Pat O’Neill, all shackled to each
other, were trying to get their heads around the
meaning of eight, 12 and 14 years. Upstairs, a
triumphant Scotland Yard Bomb Squad were already
briefing Fleet Street’s best. They were solemnly
trotting out the small print stuff that you can’t
really say in court but is food and drink to the crime
correspondents.

Auntie Annie came in for special treatment.
“Heartless, cold master-bomber.

“Imagine getting the kids to mix explosive in the
kitchen. Gave lessons in the parlour.

“Can you bloody imagine, mate?”

As the big black vans with the wailing sirens were
pulling away from the Old Bailey, the lurid profiles
of an Oirish family of simian-faced 19th century
bombers were pouring down the copy lines.

Given his poor health, Giuseppe’s 12-year term was
always going to be a life sentence. Dying from
emphysema, he shuffled through various prisons in
carpet-slippers, subsisting on Complan. He died in
Hammersmith hospital in 1980, handcuffed to a special
cage-like bed with two warders and an armed police
officer plus dog to prevent him escaping.

In 1983, I wrote to Annie in Durham Prison, seeking
permission to interview her two sons (who by then had
been released) for a television documentary.

Broadcast in 1984 by ITV. Aunt Annie’s Bomb Factory
was one of the first bricks to come out of the wall.

Annie finally got out of prison in 1985, to begin the
task of gathering up her scattered and broken family.
Her husband, Patrick, died in 2002.LordHavers, Lord
Donaldson and forensic scientist Sir John Yallop,
whose risible TLC test could have locked up every
cigarette-smoker in the land for “handling
explosives’‘, are all dead. Gone to their eternal
reward.

Was it miscarriage, or conspiracy to pervert, or both?
I suspect the latter, but in the end, it didn’t
matter. Apparently, the punishment for both crimes is
the same: a police promotion or a seat in the Lords.
If we live long enough, we eventually see everything,
even the prime minister having Aunt Annie of the bomb
factory to tea and apologising in the Commons.

Danny Morrison

dannymorrison.ie

The Issue of Apologising

by Danny Morrison

How does one define an apology? Is an apology meaningless if you qualify your expression of regret; or still adhere to the belief that what you did in the past was justified, thus reducing the apology to a gesture?

Some of these issues were discussed the other morning on BBC Radio Ulster’s ‘Sunday Sequence’. The subject arose in the light of Tony Blair’s imminent public apology to the Conlon family over the wrongful imprisonment of Gerry Conlon (of the Guildford Four) and his father, Giuseppe, who died in custody in 1980.

Both, along with several others, were falsely accused of bombing public bars in Guildford and Woolwich which resulted in the deaths of four soldiers and a civilian. They were jailed and remained in jail despite members of an IRA active service unit, which was arrested in London’s Balcombe Street in 1975, exonerating them and admitting responsibility for the bombings.

I was a panellist on ‘Sunday Sequence’ along with the Reverend David Clements (a Methodist Minister), David Ervine of the PUP and Dean Nicholas Frayling (author of the book ‘Pardon and Peace’).

David Clements’ father, William, was a Methodist lay preacher who was in the RUC and who was killed by the IRA outside Ballygawley barracks in December 1985. I had friends who were killed by the RUC and I was jailed three times by the RUC. To me the RUC conjures up a huge canvas of images from the baton charging of civil rights protestors, to attacking Catholic homes in August 1969, to prisoners being tortured and framed, to collusion with loyalists in the assassinations of nationalists.

But I very much doubt if that is what David Clements has in mind when he thinks of the RUC, his father, his colleagues and their cause. I have to allow that those were never his perpceptions of the force and that to him the killing of his father was ‘murder’ and ‘a crime’.

On ‘Sunday Sequence’ he and I had an exchange when I mentioned that three years ago the IRA had apologised to the families of those people, non-combatants, innocent bystanders, whom it had killed. Some of the relatives of the dead welcomed the apology; others were lukewarm or hostile.

The Reverend Clements argued that this wasn’t a ‘proper apology’. He said: “The IRA didn’t apologise for the murder of my father. He was an Irishman and a Godly Christian man. Because he wore a police uniform they regarded him as a legitimate target.”

From the Rev Clements’ remarks I understand that a ‘proper apology’ would have to involve ‘repentance’ (a complete turning away from one’s actions). I agreed that the IRA had not apologised for killing his father though it did acknowledge the grief and pain of the relatives of those whom it considered enemy combatants, and whom it wilfully killed. I pointed out that I would not expect the British army or the RUC to apologise for having killed IRA Volunteers or anybody involved in combat, even though I hold British interference in Ireland to be the ultimate cause of the conflict.

I believe that apologies, even if they are gestures, are important and useful, especially, for example, if Tony Blair’s helps alert the British public to some of the shameful things done in its name. Or, if the IRA belatedly admits to having wrongly accused and killed someone as an alleged informer.

Historically, and throughout the conflict, many wrongs were perpetrated by all sides, especially Britain, its forces and agents against the Irish nationalist community. However, there will never be a ‘proper apology’ for the British conquest of Ireland - which has bequeathed us our current difficulties. Nor will unionist leaders properly apologise for unionism’s systemic mistreatment of nationalists under Stormont, or for their many apologias for state violence which in turn helped fuel the IRA campaign.

This refusal is easy understood and applies also to the Republican Movement which was responsible for a large share of the killings. To repent, to repudiate the legitimacy of one’s past is to risk invalidating the legitimacy of one’s current position. To surrender the historical narrative to the enemy is to weaken one’s position and surrender political opportunity to the enemy.

For Britain to show repentance and admit that it had grievously wronged Ireland would be to admit that its republican enemy had a case and on occasion acted understandably, even legitimately.

People, organisations, governments might admit to individual mistakes but not to being wrong in general or the prime cause of conflict. Only one party – Ian Paisley’s DUP - refuses to apologise for its catalogue of offences. Until it can bring itself to apologise it will never bring itself to share power in a spirit of reconciliation with a people whom it so self-righteously despises and has for so long insulted.

Robert McCartney murder

Guardian

Grieving sisters square up to IRA

A staunchly republican district of Belfast may be about to turn in Provos who killed a young father, reports Henry McDonald

Sunday February 13, 2005
The Observer

Wedged against the east bank of Belfast’s River Lagan and surrounded by larger Protestant districts, the Catholic enclave of the Short Strand has long exuded the air of a place under siege.

Attacked on countless occasions by loyalist paramilitaries throughout the Troubles, it has been a bastion of support for the Provisional IRA. The IRA was seen as the defender that repelled a loyalist invasion during a gun battle in 1971 and some of its most ruthless members come from the area. But, for now at least, the people of the Short Strand have turned against them.

The unthinkable is happening. Graffiti has appeared denouncing ‘PIRA scum’; women have stopped youths from rioting against the security forces; shops and businesses are displaying posters from the Police Service of Northern Ireland appealing for help in their inquiries.

This ‘people’s revolution’ against the local IRA is led by five articulate women ranging from their late teens to early forties who want justice for their murdered brother.

Two weeks ago, Robert McCartney, 33, went to a city centre pub for a pint with his friend Brendan Devine. Also drinking in Magennis’s Bar, near the High Court in Belfast, was the core of the Provisional IRA from the Short Strand and nearby Markets and Lower Ormeau districts. The IRA men had returned from Derry and the annual Bloody Sunday commemoration.

Within 10 minutes of McCartney and Devine entering the pub, there was a heated exchange with the IRA men, allegedly over a rude gesture the two made towards some women, an allegation the McCartney family reject.

What happened next was witnessed by 72 people, all of whom would later maintain they saw nothing. After a fight between McCartney and Devine and the IRA members, the leader of the Provos gave a hand signal in the style of a stabbing movement. Then one of thecommander’s underlings, a man in his mid-thirties with a history of extreme violence, went behind Devine, grabbed his face and slit his throat with a knife taken from the bar’s kitchen. McCartney tried to save his friend and got involved in a fracas with the IRA leader.

What was now an all-out attack on McCartney and Devine, involving up to 20 people, spilled on to the street. Knives and at least one gun were produced, along with sewer rods, which the IRA members used to beat the pair. Then the IRA man with a long reputation for thuggery ripped through McCartney’s body with a knife, severing an artery to the heart; Devine was also stabbed twice more, including one wound that ran from his breast to his abdomen.

The five-man IRA gang ran back into the bar and ordered everyone to say nothing. They then slipped out towards the Markets, where republican supporters helped them wash blood from their clothing and footwear. Even the bar was ‘forensically’ cleaned while McCartney and Devine lay bleeding outside. No one rang an ambulance.

Only a passing police patrol spotted the two men on the ground, driving past them at first because they thought they were drunk. When they realised what had happened, the officers rushed McCartney and Devine to hospital.

McCartney clung to life for another eight hours. His five sisters - Gemma, Claire, Paula, Donna and Catherine - watched him die the following day shortly after 8am. Gemma had to telephone her mother, Catherine, on holiday in Spain. Now the sisters are determined to bring his killers to justice - even if that means standing up to the IRA.

‘We are not interested in any kind of revenge,’ said Paula. She and her sisters said they opposed IRA-style justice for those responsible for killing Robert: a bullet in the back of the head. ‘We want these men to give themselves up so we can have a trial - that’s all.’

So far the IRA has failed to urge the five to surrender. Although it did not sanction or plan the killing, there is a widespread belief the IRA is protecting the gang.

The McCartney’s grief is compounded by what they regard as a cover-up. The IRA and its supporters have been sheltering the five men, intimidating witnesses and spreading rumours about their brother.

As Robert’s two young sons, Conlead, four, and Brandon, two, sit on their mother’s lap, the murdered man’s partner, Bridgeen, and his sisters learn that the man who stabbed their brother has fled to Dublin.

Donna McCartney says: ‘The man who ordered them to attack Robert is back walking around this area. He turned up at the funeral of an old republican woman on Wednesday, the day after we buried my brother.’

Two of the sisters, along with Robert, were once Sinn Fein voters, something they say they will never do again. ‘I’d rather vote for the DUP [Ian Paisley’s Democratic Unionist Party] than Sinn Fein after this because of the way they have covered up the crime,’ said Gemma McCartney, a district nurse.

Paula and her sisters have been distributing leaflets from the police, which are displayed on every corner of the Short Strand. Paula McCartney will not be driven into submission.

‘If they get away with Robert’s murder, they will think they can get away with anything and that really would be scary,’ she said.

The revolt against the republican movement has reverberated beyond this small quarter of east Belfast. ‘My cousin came over from Chicago for Robert’s funeral and she collects money for Sinn Fein in America. She told me that after what happened to Robert she will not be collecting any more money for them,’ said Gemma.

One thousand people turned up for a protest vigil 11 days ago and a similar number attended Robert’s funeral on Tuesday. Many believe the McCartney killing highlights the general problem facing the republican movement: what to do with the IRA?

Since the ceasefires, with the ‘war’ in effect over, some IRA units have engaged in outright criminality, intimidation and bullying.

The IRA man who stabbed Robert has been the subject of repeated complaints from Sinn Fein supporters. He personifies the group’s evolution over the decade. In one incident three years ago, he was accused of burning a woman’s breast with an iron during a domestic dispute. He was not ‘punished’ by his comrades. Last month, in the Short Strand, the same IRA unit shot a 17-year-old through the hands. His alleged crime was a stabbing.

Other IRA members have expressed their disgust over this IRA unit and others that appear immune from criticism or censure. Former republican prisoners such as Anthony McIntyre say that elements of the IRA are evolving into a ‘Rafia’ - a hybrid term linking the euphemistic word on the street for the Provisionals, ‘the Ra’, and the Mafia. Men who spent decades of their lives in prison because of the ‘armed struggle’ say many in the new IRA are ‘ceasefire soldiers’, post-conflict recruits whose aim is not a united socialist Irish republic, but simply the power to lord over their neighbour.

If the IRA leadership persuades the five to hand themselves in to the police, it will be accused of betraying loyal cadres for political expediency. But if the IRA decides to stand by its men, it risks the wrath of the community and, perhaps, a drop in its vote.

‘We have to believe that they will face a trial because I want the public to see these men and what they have done,’ Paula said.

Among Robert’s sisters there is deep anger over those who aided the killers. ‘These people who washed the clothes and sheltered these men should urge them to give themselves up,’ Gemma said.

They are also perplexed as to why no one from Magennis’s Bar has rung to express their condolences. Although the 72 people who saw the fight have been warned off, the code of silence in Short Strand has been broken.

Brendan Devine, under armed police guard in Belfast’s Royal Hospital, has told the McCartney sisters he will identify the five men if they are arrested. By doing so he is putting himself in further danger. Robert’s friends and relations have written letters to the local press urging the five to come forward. The women are to raise a petition calling on the people of the Short Strand to support the family’s campaign. In an act of defiance, the women posted the police appeal through the letterbox of the home of one of the suspects.

At the bottom of Mountpottinger Road, one of the main routes through the Short Strand, fresh graffiti has appeared criticising recent attempts by the British and Irish governments to link the IRA to the Northern Bank robbery. Gerry Adams, who has insisted that there are no criminals inside the IRA, echoed this sentiment.

Paula McCartney is not impressed by these denials: ‘I would like to ask him [Adams] if what happened to Robert wasn’t a crime.’

A Licence to Murder

BBC

A Licence to Murder

A major, two-part Panorama investigation reveals the extent to which some members of the British intelligence services colluded with - and even tried to direct - loyalist death squads in Northern Ireland.

John Ware uncovers the role of Military Intelligence and RUC Special Branch officers in one of the most brutal and controversial murders of the “troubles”: that of Belfast solicitor, Patrick Finucane.

Transcript of programme

Part 1

Part 2






















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