SAOIRSE32

9/3/2005

McCartney response

BBC

McCartneys’ response to IRA statement

The family of murdered Belfast man Robert McCartney has responded to the IRA’s statement which said they had offered to shoot those involved in the killing.


Robert McCartney’s sister Claire read out the family’s response

Mr McCartney, a 33-year-old father of two, was stabbed to death near Belfast city centre on 30 January following a row in a bar.

His sister Claire read the following statement in response:

“The investigation by the IRA in the murder of Robert is a matter for themselves.

“For this family it would only be in court, where transparency and accountability prevail, that justice will be done.

“It is the family’s position that up to 12 volunteers were involved in the cover-up, not the offence in Market Street where up to three were involved.

“However, it was that cover-up which prevented those who murdered Robert from being brought to justice.

“We met with the IRA at their request on Monday, 5 March.

“During that meeting we were informed of the findings of their investigation to date, but again it is only in a court that the truth will come out.

“At the meeting Bridgeen (Hagans, Robert’s partner) asked the IRA representatives a question that has been haunting her and the family for five weeks: why did they kill Robert?

“They responded openly and directly that there was no reason.

“We want the investigation into Robert’s murder to be conducted through due process. Only this will ensure people are held to account for their actions.

“It is now five weeks since Robert was murdered and no one has come forward with substantial evidence. This must be due to ongoing intimidation and fear.

“Until they do we will continue to campaign for justice for Robert.”

Dodds unhappy over loyalist crime assets seizures

BBC

DUP angry at assets ‘discrepancy’


Nigel Dodds says agency should target more republicans

The DUP’s Nigel Dodds has said he wants to know why the Assets Recovery Agency appears to be targeting more loyalists than republicans.

Mr Dodds said figures supplied by the security minister show four times as many criminal assets have been recovered from loyalists.

The North Belfast MP said that the people of Northern Ireland deserve an explanation.

“There seems to be a major discrepancy and I want to know why,” Mr Dodds said.

He asked why “despite the millions of pounds being laundered, the millions of pounds being smuggled and stolen” only a “tiny proportion” had been taken from republicans.

On Tuesday, the High Court ruled that assets of £200,000 owned by murdered LVF man Stephen Warnock can be seized by the agency.

They include a £100,000 insurance policy, over £40,000 found in his car on the day he was shot and the proceeds of the sale of a house in Newtownards.

Warnock, 35, was shot dead in his car in September, 2002, in Newtownards.

The judge said the agency was relying on the police belief that Warnock was a major supplier of cannabis and ecstasy.

Richard O’Rawe

Daily Ireland

O’Rawe’s attacks ‘untrue’

by Danny Morrison

Having quickly run out of argument, having found his account rebuffed by former hunger strikers and blanket men, Richard O’Rawe has resorted to personal, untrue and hurtful attacks. His claim that in 1981 the army council of the IRA turned down a deal from ‘Mountain Climber’ (a British representative) which could have saved six hunger strikers lives in order to gain a sympathy vote for Owen Carron in the Fermanagh and South Tyrone by-election has been demolished.

Few believe his plea that he wrote the book for the families of the hunger strikers (but forgot to tell them). Instead of conceding that his memory might be false, or that being only partly privy to the talks in 1981 led him to misinterpret events, he persists with his myths because his book and its sales are his primary concern.

The fact that during all the propaganda wars successive British governments have never in the intervening 24 years claimed the IRA squandered a deal in 1981 speaks for itself. It would certainly have been in British interests to level such a charge – after all, the allegation is of such a magnitude that were it true it had the potential for stopping the struggle in its tracks.

In this paper last Saturday, Richard wrote: “Danny [Morrison] has accused me of being oblivious to the feelings of the families. Let me say that’s rich.

“This man went into a meeting with the families on July 28 with the Mountain Climber offer in his back pocket and yet he didn’t think the families should be made aware of the offer. Why did he do that?”

On July 10 at Joe McDonnell’s funeral, I collapsed in Milltown Cemetery. I was taken into hospital in Dublin with hepatitis, which is an infectious disease, and kept in an isolation ward at Cherry Orchard hospital in Ballyfermott. That’s where I was on July 28. In hospital I was humbled to receive a message from the hunger strikers asking about my condition. A month after Joe McDonnell’s death, I returned to the North to speak at the funeral of IRA hunger striker Tom McElwee in Bellaghy. My point is that Richard’s memory isn’t as sharp as he claims.

Interestingly, in his Daily Ireland right of reply, Richard also had the opportunity to rebut criticism of him the day before from Laurence McKeown but chose not to. Laurence was one of those on hunger strike at the time in 1981 when Richard alleges that the IRA refused ‘a deal’ to end the fast.

Richard seems incapable of grasping the distinction between an offer and a confirmed deal.

Yes, offers were made and discussed and clarified but when we tried to tie the British government down on a mechanism for ensuring they could not renege (as they had at the end of the first hunger strike) they procrastinated. The hunger strikers – as Laurence McKeown made clear the other day – “wanted definite confirmation, not vague promises of ‘regime change’ ”.

Richard was a blanket man and a PRO for the prisoners in 1981. He was not a negotiator and was never in the prison hospital with the hunger strikers, though he elevates his importance in his book.

He was a good PRO and upon his release from prison he worked for a year in the Republican Press Centre in Belfast at the time when I was Sinn Féin’s director of publicity. So, we saw each other at briefings every day for a year until he decided to go into business for himself.

Since then, there have been a dozen occasions when we’ve discussed politics late into the night. During and after the hunger strike, and in all the time I have known and spoken to him, Richard never made this allegation.
He says that in 1991 he privately criticised the role of the IRA Army Council in the hunger strike but was told that he could be shot and so he kept quiet. He explains that because of the new atmosphere following the ceasefire and that because he believes there will be no return to armed struggle he now feels free to say these things. Even if for the sake of argument we accept that Richard felt threatened in 1991 that doesn’t explain why in the interests of accuracy he would not now have consulted Brendan ‘Bik’ McFarlane, his former OC, whom throughout the book he has recruited to his position, other hunger strikers who survived, Gerry Adams or myself. Bik, like Laurence McKeown, repudiates Richard’s allegation.

Richard deceived many people into believing that he was writing a book about growing up in West Belfast. When the book was published last week any merit it had for former comrades, as one blanket man’s grim experience of jail, was destroyed by his implicit insult to the intelligence of the hunger strikers and his scurrilous attack on the IRA leadership and Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams.

As a result of his attacks Richard has been feted by the Sunday Times and lauded by revisionists, anti-republican journalists and the usual suspects. Had his book been called Blanketmen – Thatcher kills hunger strikers, I think we can guess at how little media coverage he could have expected.

Richard’s book has helped no one but the enemies of the struggle. Not the hunger strikers’ families, not the blanket men, not the republican cause, not his friends and comrades, and, certainly, not himself.

What Richard O’Rawe has written is repugnant but it has exposed him as a minor figure against the inviolable memory of the hunger strikers, their sacrifices and their greatness.

Danny Morrison is a regular media commentator on Irish politics. He is the author of three novels and three works of non-fiction. His play about the IRA, The Wrong Man, begins a three-week run in the Pleasance Theatre, London, from March 12. www.dannymorrison.com

Finucane inquest

BBC

Finucane inquest ‘must be public’


Pat Finucane was shot dead by loyalist paramilitaries

Bertie Ahern will not compromise over a public inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane, his family has claimed.

His son Michael said the taoiseach told them in an hour-long meeting in Dublin that he had written to Tony Blair to say this was the only way forward.

Mr Finucane said: “He made it clear, as far as the Irish government was concerned, that there would be no compromise on the issue.”

Pat Finucane, 39, was murdered at his north Belfast home by the UDA in 1989.

Collusion allegations

The killing was one of the most controversial of the 30 years of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, mainly because of the allegations of collusion between loyalist paramilitaries and members of the security forces.

Michael Finucane said Mr Ahern had given the family assurances that he would push British authorities to set up a hearing under commitments made during political negotiations in 2001.

Following these talks, Downing Street agreed to hold a public inquiry if one was recommended by Peter Cory, a retired Canadian judge appointed by the British and Irish governments to examine allegations of collusion surrounding the Finucane and other controversial killings.

Judge Cory recommended a public inquiry into Mr Finucane’s death.

Bill objections

The Finucane family objects to the Inquiries Bill, which provides the framework for a hearing into the murder.

Under this bill, a British government minister can rule whether the inquiry sits in public or private - the family have claimed this goes against what was agreed in 2001.

Mr Finucane said Mr Ahern told them the Irish government would not support the bill if it became law and it would not support an inquiry established under it.

“It will support the family’s position,” Mr Finucane added.

The Northern Ireland Office insists the Finucane inquiry would have full powers to compel witnesses and the disclosure of documents.

In a statement last December, the NIO said nothing would be withheld from the inquiry into Mr Finucane’s murder.

However, because of national security, a large proportion of evidence would “have to be considered in private”.

Loyalist Ken Barrett, 41, was sentenced in September to life for Mr Finucane’s murder, after admitting his part in the killing.

Shankill: ‘just say no’ to Adair

Belfast Telegraph

Hundreds turn out for ‘keep Adair off the Shankill’ rally

By Ashleigh Wallace
09 March 2005

Hundreds of protesters attended a rally on Belfast’s Shankill Road last night - organised to send a clear message that ousted UDA leader Johnny Adair is not welcome back in the area.

The protest was arranged by a group of women from the lower Shankill area who reacted after Adair made a brief return to the Shankill.

Last month, Adair posed for pictures outside his old home in Boundary Way before declaring: “The Shankill is my home - and I’ve no doubt I will be able to return there for good some day.”

However, a crowd of several hundred residents - mostly woman and children - took to the streets last night in protest at Adair’s brief appearance on the Shankill.

The protesters carried placards bearing slogans such as ‘Shankill Women Against Adair’, ‘No Way Back Adair’, ‘Shankill Feuds All Adair’s Making’ and ‘Shankill United Again.’

The protest which started at Agnes Street at 6pm and dispersed around an hour and a half later, passed off without incident.

Last night’s Shankill rally was also attended by local councillors Hugh Smyth and Frank McCoubrey.

Mr Smyth said: “Quite a large crowd gathered and the people sent the message out loud and clear - they want the Shankill to be able to heal itself without any further diversity.

“Most people at last night’s rally felt that Adair’s return would have a diverse affect to the peace they are trying to achieve.”

Lower Shankill community development worker Denis Cunningham said: “This is not just a lower Shankill issue.

“Women from the Woodvale, Glencairn and Springmartin have been in contact with the organisers, saying they would support it as anything that affects one part of the Shankill affects all their lives.”

New bank notes

BreakingNews.ie

Time runs out for stolen bank notes

09/03/2005 - 12:05:55

The £26.5m (€38m) stolen from the Northern Bank in Belfast will become very hard to spend from next week when the bank issues new notes, it was confirmed today.

The IRA has been accused of carrying out the audacious raid a few days before Christmas.

But from Monday, anyone wanting to exchange more than £500 (€720) of the old Northern Bank notes at a bank will need to provide proof of identity. Amounts of more than £1,000 (€1,450) will have to be paid into an account.

The Northern is taking more than £240m (€345.8m) in old notes out of circulation and expects to have at least 80% swapped for the new design notes within four weeks.

Rosamond Bennett, head of marketing and communications at the bank, said: “This is the first time this has been done in banking history anywhere in the world.

“But we feel it is the right thing to do. We understand there has been some uncertainty and confusion about notes – people want to know the notes they hold are not stolen. Issuing new notes will ensure the stolen notes are not used.”

It has taken just eight weeks to redesign and print the new notes. Normally it would take months.

Instead of a complete redesign, four key changes have been made to each of the £10, £20, £50 and £100 notes. On all, the NORTHERN logo in capital letters has been changed to Northern in italics, and various issue dates replaced with 19th January 2005.

:: The £10 note figurehead colour has been changed from brown to green and serial numbers will begin with a G instead of B.

:: £20 notes have been changed from purple to blue and serial number prefix to H from C.

:: New £50 notes are purple instead of green, with a serial number beginning with J instead of D.

:: The £100 note becomes red instead of black and white and the serial number starts with a K instead of an E.

Some £10 notes have been issued with the new typeface since the middle of January – but in the old colours. They too are being withdrawn and replaced.

But Ms Bennett said to customers unsure about the changes: “Look at the logo, if the Northern is in italics the note cannot be stolen.”

The new notes will start to be issued through ATMs on Saturday and through all bank branches on Monday.

Ms Bennett said if people had a stash of Northern notes under the mattress, and wanted to change them there was no need to panic.

“There is no need to rush. They can go to any bank over the four weeks to April 8, and even after then the old notes will be honoured at Northern bank branches.”

Security checks, both by the bank and police, will be in place. “Transactions will be monitored. Customers may not notice anything, but we will be looking for any suspicious actions,” she said.

To stop efforts to swap large amounts of stolen notes, and to comply with money-laundering legislation, rules have been put in place.

Up to £500 will be exchanged over the counter – though bank staff will be on the alert for stolen notes, and making “discreet checks”.

Amounts of between £500 and £1,000 can also be exchanged over the counter but only on production of photographic ID.

More than £1,000 will need to be lodged in a bank or building society account, or an account opened to take it.

The bank said it had been working closely with the PSNI in the run-up to the launch of the note exchange programme, and the police would be issuing detailed crime prevention advice to the public before the end of the week.

“The most important point for people to remember is that money can only be exchanged at banks over the coming weeks – you should not give money to a stranger, however convincing he or she may appear, who calls at your door and offers to collect notes for exchange,” said Ms Bennett.

None of the stolen notes have been reported in the banking network. The only money from the raid that has definitely turned up is £50,000 (€72,000) planted in the police sports club in south Belfast.

The Irish government is also convinced that some of the stolen money was among more than £2m (€2.9m) in cash seized during raids last month. Gardaí have yet to confirm that through a check on serial numbers.

McCartney arrest

BBC

Man held over McCartney killing


Robert McCartney, 33, was killed near Belfast city centre

Detectives investigating the killing of Belfast man Robert McCartney have arrested a man.

He was arrested on Wednesday on suspicion of murder.

Last week police said that 10 people previously arrested over the killing stayed silent throughout questioning. All were released without charge.

Mr McCartney, a 33-year-old father of two, was stabbed near Belfast city centre on 30 January following a row in a bar.

The chief constable has said the IRA was prepared to kill those it claims were behind the killing.

The IRA has offered to shoot the people it says killed the 33-year-old after a row in a city centre bar on 30 January. His family have rejected the offer.

Hugh Orde said he had “no doubt” the IRA meant they would kill the men.

“This is an organisation theoretically on ceasefire. This is an organisation that is still prepared to kill people now from its own community”.

Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness said he was surprised by the IRA statement.

He said he thought it would have been “very unfortunate” if the organisation had shot the alleged killers.

“I think the difficulty about this particular sentence in the statement is it takes away from what I think is an awful lot of positive stuff,” Mr McGuinness said.

Irish Premier Bertie Ahern said the IRA statement was “extraordinary and horrific”.

Mr Ahern told a news conference in Dublin he had been shocked by the comment, but that things had to move forward in the peace process and there was a distinction between Sinn Fein and the IRA.

The US Special Envoy to Northern Ireland, Mitchell Reiss, said it was “time for the IRA to go out of business”.

Mr Reiss added: “It’s time for Sinn Fein to be able to say explicitly, without ambiguity, without ambivalence, that criminality will not be tolerated.”

In a statement on Tuesday, the IRA offered to shoot those directly involved in the murder and said it had given the family their names.

But Mr McCartney’s cousin, Gerard Quinn, said: “I think the feeling is that to shoot and possibly kill these people is revenge and not justice.

“And revenge is not what the family is looking for.”

A five-page statement from the IRA said the McCartney family had met the organisation twice and made it clear they did not want physical action taken against those involved.

The IRA said it had given the family the name of the man who allegedly stabbed Mr McCartney and a second man who allegedly supplied removed and destroyed the murder weapon.

Both these men have been expelled by the IRA.

The republican organisation said it had also spoken directly to key eye witnesses and told them they had nothing to fear from the IRA.

Former IRA hunger striker Tommy McKearney said the statement was extraordinary and showed an indecisiveness and lack of self-confidence within the IRA leadership.

Mr McKearney said he thought it was “inevitable” that Sinn Fein would have to break off from the IRA as the contradictions between them could not be reconciled.

“I think that’s what we’re seeing at the moment,” he said.

Secretary of State Paul Murphy said he was appalled by the offer.

DUP leader Ian Paisley called for the leaders of Sinn Fein to be arrested following the IRA statement.

Senior Ulster Unionist Sir Reg Empey said the statement proved the IRA had “clearly learnt nothing over recent weeks” and SDLP MP Eddie McGrady condemned the IRA proposal as “obscene”.

The IRA expelled three members over the murder and Sinn Fein subsequently suspended seven of its members.

firefighters under attack

BBC

Firefighters attacked with stones

Firefighters have come under attack from stone throwers in Belfast for the second consecutive night.

Up to 20 youths attacked crews at a garden fence fire in Jamaica Street. Crews were also attacked after putting out a fire at Belvoir Forest Park.

Fire engines were damaged in the incidents but no-one was injured.

The Fire Service area commander for Belfast, Chris Kerr, condemned those responsible for the attacks, but praised the dedication of fire crews.

“This is having an affect on their morale,” he said.

‘Hard core’

“But it’s a tribute to their professionalism that they return to those areas time and time again, to provide a service for the community even though they are attacked.”

He said there was a concerted effort to reduce the number of attacks on crews in many parts of Belfast, and this had been largely successful.

“Unfortunately, there is this hard core of people who are very hard to reach and continue to attack my firefighters as they go about their duties,” he added.

Last November, two firemen were injured after a children’s “prank” went wrong in County Antrim.

A youth interfered with the water controls as crews were dealing with a blaze in a skip near Lisburn.

A firefighter was flung into the air and broke a bone in his back. A second sustained a twisted knee.

Happy Birthday Bobby

Larkspirit

**Bobby’s diary - 9th day and his 27th birthday

Monday 9th

I have left this rather late tonight and it is cold. The priest Fr Murphy was in. I had a discussion with him on the situation. He said he enjoyed our talk and was somewhat enlightened, when he was leaving.

On the subject of priests, I received a small note from a Fr S. C. from Tralee, Kerry, and some holy pictures of Our Lady. The thought touched me. If it is the same man, I recall him giving a lecture to us in Cage 11 some years ago on the right to lift arms in defence of the freedom of one’s occupied and oppressed nation. Preaching to the converted he was, but it all helps.

It is my birthday and the boys are having a sing-song for me, bless their hearts. I braved it to the door, at their request, to make a bit of a speech, for what it was worth. I wrote to several friends today including Bernie and my mother. I feel all right and my weight is 60 kgs.

I always keep thinking of James Connolly, and the great calm and dignity that he showed right to his very end, his courage and resolve. Perhaps I am biased, because there have been thousands like him but Connolly has always been the man that I looked up to.

I always have tremendous feeling for Liam Mellowes as well; and for the present leadership of the Republican Movement, and a confidence in them that they will always remain undaunted and unchanged. And again, dare I forget the Irish people of today, and the risen people of the past, they too hold a special place in my heart.

Well, I have gotten by twenty-seven years, so that is something. I may die, but the Republic of 1916 will never die. Onward to the Republic and liberation of our people.

——————–

**Bobby would have been 51 today. Last year I found a few articles which I will re-post today for those of you who haven’t seen them. In some cases, the old post links don’t work anymore.

Irish Prisoners of War - NORAID Online

Irish Hunger Strikes 1980 & ‘81

Chapter 19

The First Weeks:
Bobby’s Final Birthday Party
Francis Hughes Joins the Hunger Strike

Image Hosted by ImageShack.us

On February 28, 1981, Bobby Sands ate a small, bitter orange in a cold H-Block cell. It was the last morsel of food he would ever taste. That night he began writing a diary of his experience on hunger strike. “I am standing on the threshold of another trembling world. May God have mercy on my soul,” he wrote on a piece of toilet paper.

He also wrote on a cigarette paper the lyrics of a song he had written years ago while on remand and sent it on to a friend, Ricky O’Rawe, who had taken over as public relations officer for the republican prisoners. He called it “A Sad Song for Susan.”

It ended like this: “And I wish I had you back again to when you were here/ Remember the Winter nights when you warmed me from the cold/ And the Spring when we walked through green fields and skies of gold/ You’re gone, you’re gone, but you live on in my memory.”

It might very well have been written about himself and now he is only a memory. Perhaps he was saddened by his own loss of loved ones, a son and wife he hardly had the time to have anything like a normal life with, his sisters and brother, and his parents, as he faced an unknown eternity.

Support on the Falls

It was a cold Sunday on the Falls Road as well. Sinn Fein organized a march down the Falls to demonstrate support for the hunger strike. Four months earlier there had been 10,000 people showing their support for the first day of the first hunger strike. On this Sunday, there were perhaps thirty-five hundred demonstrators. The Movement would have to start all over again to publicize the plight of the men and gather support for the new hunger strike. But now it was ground minus zero. The people were distressed by the failure of the first hunger strike to move the Brits an inch towards the five demands and off of their criminalization policy. They were wearying from months of rallying around the H-Block/Armagh Committees and being harassed, beaten, arrested, shot, and even murdered for their activism. And they knew they had to get geared up to do it all again. On a cold, late winter Sunday in the north of Ireland, this wasn’t an easy thing.

That’s why Bobby knew for a fact he was going to die. He knew the mechanisms of popular support couldn’t be turned on without a blood sacrifice, much like the sacrifice of the men of 1916 was needed to open the eyes of the people of Ireland. He also knew the Brits needed a message that even they could not misunderstand.

In a little over two months, there would be 100,000 mourners following his coffin down the same Falls Road in West Belfast to Milltown cemetery.

The First Weeks

On Bobby’s 5th day on hunger strike a comm was sent out to the Movement: “Bobby’s weight today is 62 kg. His heart beat is 88 and blood pressure 112/70. He requested blankets. Said he felt the draft coming in the windows.”

He was experiencing no side effects from the fast, except an unnatural craving for brown bread, butter, honey, and cheese. And naturally the screws came with heaps of steaming food three times a day to torture him. His cell mate, Malachy Carey, had a regular feast.

But by Friday of the first week he was feeling occasional bouts of energy loss. By Saturday, he had lost three kilograms.

On Monday, the 9th of March, he turned 27 years of age. He weighed 60 kgs.

“Comrade, how are ya? I’m still in the wing with the lads and how long that will last is uncertain. I’m feeling physically all right, I’ve no headaches or even minor medical complaints. There are I believe several tactics being deployed at present, foremost is I believe a deliberate policy of false disinterest that is ‘we couldn’t care less’ type of thing to make me feel small or insignificant and to try to create the impression in my mind that the hunger strike is merely confined to my cell,” he put in a comm on his birthday.

“Let me or anyone else die…”

He sent out another comm on March 9th that showed how worried he was that an unacceptable deal would be struck to save his life, which had happened through deception and bad faith four months previously:

“As you know, I don’t care much to entering into any discussion on the topic of ‘negotiations’ of for that matter ‘settlements’ but what is worrying me is this: I’m afraid there is a possibility that at a crucial stage [which could be death] that Brits would move with a settlement and demand Index [prison chaplain Fr. Toner] as guarantor. Now this is feasible, if a man is dying, that they would try to force Bik to accept a settlement to save life which of course would be subject to [Fr. Toner’s] interpretation. And we know how far that would get us. It wouldn’t make any difference if it were he and Silvertop [ass’t chaplain Fr. Murphy], the same would occur. I’ve told Bik to let me or anyone else die before submitting to a play like that…”

Bik Faces An Unenviable Job

Bik McFarlane, the new OC, in essence commanding all the logistics and strategy for the hunger strike inside the prison, knew exactly what he had to do, although he wasn’t happy about it. In a panel discussion in Derry City in January, 2001, almost 20 years after the events of the hunger strike, he told a stilled audience how he went to Bobby asking him to select someone else to be prison OC. He told him how there were others more capable and closer to him on a personal level. Why not pick one of your friends? Bik wanted to know.

Bobby told him, “Because they won’t let me die.” And Bik would have to.

A Final Birthday Party

That night, after the news from the various prison blocks was shouted across the wings and courtyard, including Bobby’s present weight and general health, D wing roared in unison and in Irish, “Happy birthday, Bobby!”

The celebration consisted mostly of a concert or “singsong” in Bobby’s honor, which featured several of Bobby’s own songs, “Back Home in Derry”, sung my himself, and “McIlhatton” sung by Bik accompanied on the bodhran drum [rather, the steel cell door]. There was a whole evening of songs, requests, poems and whistled music.

On the 14th of March, Bobby weighed 58.25 kgs and his vital signs were normal. “The screws turned his cell lights on 3 times last night waking him on every occasion: 10 pm, 2 am, 6 am…,” a smuggled out comm said.

He tried to write poetry, had plenty of ideas and thought it would help him face each day and ward off negative thoughts of the crisis days ahead, but he couldn’t. He was just too tired and he needed to conserve energy. He stopped his hunger strike diary after the 15th day.

The Man From Tamlaghtduff

On Sunday, the 15th of March, 1981, Bobby was joined on hunger strike by one of the greatest heroes of the conflict, Francis Hughes, of South Derry. He was captured after a intense fire fight with the SAS almost two years previously to the day. Francis lead the British army on a wild and bloody ride for years in his home land of South Derry that usually ended with Brit casualties and with Francis slipping through, around or behind hostile lines of soldiers. He was one with the hills. Taking in the odds never seemed to be part of his calculations when engaging the Brits. Sometimes he simply attacked whole squads arrayed to capture or kill him, turning an aggressive British operation into a full retreat. Francis Hughes was a legend. He was 23 years of age when he was captured; he was 25 when he died. Chisty Moore wrote a popular song about Francis, “The Boy From Tamlaghtduff”:

Moving round the countryside he often made the news

But they could never lay their hands on my brave Francis Hughes.

Finally they wounded him and captured him at last.

From the countryside he loved, they took him to Belfast.

On from Musgrave Park to Crumlin Road and then to an H-Block cell,

He went straight on the blanket then, on hunger strike as well.

His will to win they could never break, no matter what they tried.

He fought them every day he lived and he fought them as he died…

————————–

Irelandclick

Happy birthday, Bobby

Bobby Sands could have stepped aside. Nobody made him do it. He could have stopped at any time. He could have succumbed to fear of the unknown, the fear of death. He could have placed the possibilities of a future life before the realities of his present existence.
But he didn’t.

From his writings it is apparent that he believed every other alternative had been exhausted. He simply had to do it.

If he had simply stopped or walked away or turned his back, then he could well have been celebrating his fiftieth birthday tomorrow, Tuesday, March 9. Instead, after spending most of his adult life either interned in the Cages or on the blanket in the H-Blocks, the twenty-seven year old died following a hunger strike that lasted sixty-six days, on May 5, 1981.

Nine comrades followed him to death. Many more also embarked on the hunger strike and some–like Pat McGeown–died prematurely from the after-effects of the protest.

In basic terms, Bobby Sands had been protesting that he and his comrades should receive the same political status while imprisoned in the H-Blocks that they had been accorded while imprisoned in the Cages.

At the stroke of a pen, after March 1, 1976, the British government attempted to label anyone convicted of a conflict-related offence from that date onwards as an “ordinary criminal.” In real terms, however, the British government turned the issue into a battle of life and death.

And while Bobby Sands and nine others lost their lives, historians now agree that Margaret Thatcher and her government lost the battle. For weeks afterwards, the death of Bobby Sands had an immense international impact.

All British ships were boycotted at US ports for twenty fours hours by the Longshoremen’s Union. Members of the Portuguese parliament held a minute’s silence in his memory. A street was named after him in Tehran.

Protest demonstrations were held across the world– from Milan to Chicago, from Oslo to Brisbane. His face appeared on the cover of newspapers across every continent of the globe and he became a symbol of power for oppressed people everywhere.

However, despite all the iconography associated with Bobby Sands, it is sometimes forgotten that he was also a son, a brother, a father and a friend. One of those who knew him best as a comrade in the Cages and the H-Blocks is Seanna Walsh.

“I first met Bobby in January 1973 when we were in the same Cage and he had that cocky Belfast dander and a Rod Stewart haircut.

“Back then in jail, birthdays weren’t really a big thing–they were more a family thing and the only way you might have known it was someone’s birthday was when they got a clatter of cards from their family.

“I know Bobby’s family will be feeling it very much tomorrow and it will be hard for them.

“Having said that, it is an opportunity for Bobby’s wider family of republican comrades to give thought to it as well,” said Seanna.

Describing Bobby Sands as a “mate who enjoyed a bit of craic and slagging,” Seanna joked that he was “the only person inside to support Aston Villa–God help him.”

Pointing out that many families go through the same experience of remembering the birthdays of deceased loved ones, Seanna said: “It would have been Joe McDonnell’s fiftieth birthday four years ago, but Bobby, probably because he was the first to die, has become this larger than life figure and tends to stick out more.

“There is one thing I can’t get into and it is this: in terms of where Bobby would stand in relation to the current political situation, I simply don’t know. Nobody does.

“Sometimes comrades who disagree with things ask me what Bobby would think. The answer is, we just don’t know and I would never try to misrepresent him.

“All I know is that the role I am playing in the struggle is part and parcel of the same struggle that Bobby died for, and those of us engaged in that freedom struggle are determined to continue,” said Seanna.

Journalist:: Jarlath Kearney

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Bobby at 50 - BY JIM GIBNEY

It was 18 December 1980. It was late afternoon. The phone rang in the Mountjoy Square office of the H-Block/Armagh Committee. It was Gerry Adams. In a hushed but firm voice he told me to ring him from a pay phone in the street. I did. “The hunger strike is over. Can you come back to Belfast?” he
said. The news shocked me. I had been in Dublin for several months building support for the Hunger Strike and now it was suddenly over. Over without prior warning.

I was at a loss as to what t do, what to say. But I knew it would soon be on the radio and TV news and the people in the H-Block/Armagh office had to hear it from me before they heard it over the airwaves.

We gathered around the office in a sombre mood. These were the people who had campaigned tirelessly, who had helped to build a national movement to support the prisoners’ cause over the previous two or three years.

I told them what Gerry told me. There was a mixture of disbelief that the Hunger Strike was over and relief that no one had died; people had tears in their eyes.

Five years of campaigning, six weeks of a Hunger Strike… now ended, confusion reigned.

The following day back in Belfast, I met Gerry in a house in Clonard owned by lifelong republican Alfie Hannaway.

I was shown a comm written by Bobby Sands that had come out of the prison the previous day. The following sentence stuck out: “I will begin another hunger strike on the 1st January.” “What? We can’t go through that again,” I blurted out

And that was the sentiment, obviously more considered, that I was to tell Bobby the following day. A visit had been arranged for me with him.

Danny Morrison who had been the outside contact for the prisoners during the Hunger Strike had been banned from the jail a few days previously by the British Government and I had been selected to replace him.

I waited in the visiting area for Bobby not knowing what to expect. I hadn’t seen him since we were both in the Crumlin Road Jail three years previously.

He literally bounced towards me with a smile on his face and his hand stretched out. I hadn’t seen him coming into the visiting area.

He looked tired, his eyes were red rimmed and the years of brutality were obvious in his gaunt features and bedraggled long hair and beard.

With two prison warders hanging over his shoulders, we engaged in an intense conversation.

He was adamant that another hunger strike should begin on the 1 January and that he would lead it. He had others lined up to join him.

I put the leadership’s views and he listened carefully, shaking his head in disagreement occasionally. Time up, we embraced and parted company. He was to consider what I said, consult with others inside and communicate the views to the leadership outside as soon as possible.

The next time I saw Bobby he was on hunger strike. I would see him several times before he died.

I reflected on all of this last Friday when I heard that Bobby’s 50th birthday would have been on Tuesday past.

I didn’t know Bobby any way well. Our paths crossed fleetingly on the outside and the inside. I visited him with his family several times when he was dying on hunger strike.

My memory of him from the days in the Crum, more than a quarter of a century later, is of a man who was a bundle of energy, always thinking, always conspiring, constantly trying to outwit the prison authorities.

We met in cells or prison vans, he was always on his hunkers. I was never sure of his height until I met him a few days before Christmas 1980. He was average height.

Bobby’s death on hunger strike, the written works he left behind him, his status as an MP for Fermanagh/South Tyrone, the fact that he led the hunger strike, was the first to die, his youthful, revolutionary image captured in his portrait - all of these facts have contributed rightly to making him a national and international symbol of freedom and justice.

For those who don’t know, it is understandable that they see only Bobby and what he stood for. It is enough for them and for us that they are motivated to do good works as a result of admiring the stance that Bobby took.

But those of us who were there or close to events surrounding the second Hunger Strike and who know, should always tell the whole story or as much of it as involves us on occasions like now.

Because 23 years later, on Bobby’s 50th, we are not just recalling his heroism, we are also remembering his comrades who also died on hunger strike: Francis, Raymond, Patsy, Joe, Martin, Tom, Kieran, Kevin and Mick and their families.

Bobby is the public face of this group of martyrs and their families. His image embodies each and every one of them because they all faced what he and his family faced - the daunting decision to cross over the line between life and death. His family stood with him as theirs did with them in their time.

In acknowledging, we are not forgetting about Frank Stagg or Michael Gaughan, who also died on hunger strike, or indeed any of the other IRA volunteers who lost their lives in the conflict.

We are recognising that the H-Block martyrs and the struggle for political status there and in Armagh women’s prison turned this struggle around, put it on a higher moral plane and pushed us in a new political direction.

On your 50th Bobby, thanks.

© 2003 Irish Republican Media






















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