SAOIRSE32

26/3/2005

Callaghan dies

RTE News

Former British Prime Minister dies aged 92

26 March 2005 22:46

Former British Prime Minister, Lord Callaghan, has died aged 92.

He passed away at his home in East Sussex on the eve of his 93rd birthday.

Lord Callaghan served as Labour Prime Minster from 1976 to 1979.

He also held the positions of Chancellor, Home Secretary and Foreign Secretary during his political career.

As home secretary, he ordered British troops into Northern Ireland in 1969.

The Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, has extended his sympathies to the family of Mr Callaghan.

He said the former British Prime Minister will be particularly remembered for his visits to Derry at the height of the troubles in Northern Ireland.

Equality Commission

BreakingNews.ie

Adams slams British govt for ‘downgrading’ North’s Equality Commission

26/03/2005 - 15:16:30

The Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams is criticising the British government for “downgrading” the North’s Equality Commission by advertising for a part-time chief commissioner.

Mr Adams said the decision was a retrograde one and would undermine a key mechanism of the Good Friday Agreement.

He said that while progress towards equality has been made, the Commission needs more, not less, support to fulfil its role and he has called for the post to be re-advertised as a full-time one.

Earlier, Mr Adams made a fresh appeal for the killers of Robert McCartney to come forward but he said he cannot force them to do so.

He was speaking as republicans gathered for today’s 1916 Rising commemorations.

‘justice’

NEWSHOUND

The women who pick up the pieces after IRA ‘justice’ has been done

March 26, 2005
By Giles Whittell

The McCartney sisters’ fight is helping other families to speak out after years of heartbreak

A MUCH-LOVED brother is murdered in cold blood. A defiant campaign for justice is waged by his family. The thugs responsible equivocate, then stonewall, as the media and public move on to stories new.

There is something cruelly familiar about Alicia Kearney’s story, precisely because so many like it have scarred the past 30 years of Northern Ireland’s history.

Her brother was not Robert McCartney, who was murdered in the Short Strand last December and whose sisters hope that massive international pressure will force the IRA to surrender his killers to the courts. He was Andrew Kearney, shot in 1998 in both legs as he cradled his two week-old daughter on a sofa in his flat in West Belfast, and left to bleed to death.

The IRA apologised and called it a punishment shooting gone wrong. Kearney — never in trouble, from a staunchly Republican family — had dared to challenge an IRA commander in a pub a week earlier for intimidating a 17 year-old potential recruit. But No-one has ever been charged with his murder, much less convicted.

This week, in an interview with The Times, Alicia Kearney seized the opportunity presented by the McCartney sisters’ campaign to re-open one started by her mother seven years ago to bring Andrew’s killer’s to justice. That campaign lasted 13 months, after which Maureen Kearney died, as her family puts it, of a broken heart.

“I’m starting it again by talking to you,” Alicia said. “I am looking for justice through the courts.”

Her decision to capitalise on the surge of support for the McCartney sisters reflects both families’ dependence on publicity rather than the police, living as they do in neighbourhoods still effectively ruled by paramilitaries five years after the Good Friday agreement.

But it is also a powerful reminder that the McCartneys themselves are the latest in a long generation of women from both sides of the sectarian divide driven by bereavement to do the heavy lifting of reconciliation and community development on which the success of any peace initiative, and the continuation of the current ceasefire, ultimately depends.

“Some of the most progressive people I’ve ever met have been men,” said May Blood of the Greater Shankill Partnership, who has worked for years to bridge the chasm of mistrust between the two communities. “But in Northern Ireland the men go out and fight the war. That’s simply what they do. And the women pick up the pieces.”

Maureen Kearney began picking up the pieces in July, 1998. Her son, then 33, had been worried since his confrontation with the IRA commander in the Manchester United pub on Falls Road the previous week, but ordinarily he need not have feared for his life.

“Normally, for punishment shootings, they call an ambulance or even have one on standby,” Alicia said.

Andrew was well-liked, a talented footballer with the Donegal Celtics and in regular work as a builder. In the end what cost Andrew his life may have been the location of his flat, eight floors up in a high-rise. “We think they panicked that if they called an ambulance they wouldn’t escape because of the 16 flights of stairs. Instead they ripped the phone line out of the wall and left him to die, holding his wee baby.”

Alicia, 34, is the youngest of five surviving siblings. She believes she knows who ordered Andrew’s murder.

“This particular one likes to think he’s a hard man,” she said. She shrugs off questions about intimidation, either of her or her mother, but there is no doubt that most families of men killed by their own communities have been forced to live with the double anguish of bereavement and a taboo against speaking out.

Sandra Peak, who runs the Wave Trauma Centre for relatives of victims of violence related to The Troubles, calls this cocoon of fear a “multi-layered silence”. The McCartney sisters have broken out of it to spectacular effect, and no-one questions their bravery in doing so.

But it took even more courage for Margaret McKinney. Now 73, she lives a short drive from the Kearneys in Andersonstown. In May, 1978, her son Brian took part in the robbery of an IRA-run bar. He returned home badly beaten two days later, and told his parents everything.

They marched him to an IRA clubhouse on nearby Glen Road, repaid his £50 share of the takings, and hoped the matter would rest there. It did not.

The following week Brian, then 22, was picked up on his way home from work by two men in a car.

Frantic enquiries by his parents produced reassurances from the IRA that he and a friend had been exiled to mainland Britain. Margaret packed a suitcase, waiting for a call. It never came. Soon, she and those she approached for help were told simply “to stop asking questions”.

For 17 years, Margaret did just that, taking heavy medication to dull the pain of her loss.

“There was so much hatred and bitterness in my heart that I couldn’t cope at all. I had one heart attack after another. God, they were cruel years,” she said.

Mrs McKinney’s abiding wish was to find Brian’s body. Her first chance to say so publicly came with the 1994 ceasefire brokered by John Major. She told her story first to reporters, then to the Prime Minister at Hillsborough Castle and, in 1998, to President Clinton in the Oval Office. “He took my hand and said, ‘I promise you I’ll help you find your son’,” she said. “Ten months later Gerry Adams comes in here and says you’re going to get Brian back. Oh God, the joy. I cried, but it was with relief.”

Mrs McKinney has become a guiding light to others who decided to break the IRA’s code of silence and demand action to find the bodies of their loved ones. But in 1999 she was still relentlessly focused on Brian.

On June 29 that year he was dug out of a bog south of the border after a six-week search. She recognised him from his blue and white trainers.

He had been buried with a friend who had also been involved in the robbery. At the inquest the coroner said he had been walked to his grave with his hands tied behind his back, then shot in the head. “I never got justice for Brian,” she said. “I still cry for him, but I’m just so happy to have a grave to go to.”

In 1994 the Wave Trauma Centre recorded an 80 per cent increase in referrals of relatives of victims of sectarian violence seeking counselling and other support. It attributes most of the rise to the stand taken by Mrs McKinney. Founded in 1991 by eight women bereaved by the Troubles, the Wave centre, which now has five branches throughout the province, has since helped more than 3700 people cope with loss.

Will they ever do for these families what only the most powerful man in the world was able to do for Margaret McKinney? Despite the phenomenon that is the McCartney campaign and the relative tranquillity of Belfast in 2005, it is hard to find much optimism on such questions.

“For women to make the impact they deserve to make, they have to make it quickly,” said May Blood. “So far the IRA have been able to sit this one out. They hope it’ll just go away, and if no-one comes forward it will. It’ll be put on the long finger.”

That old Ulster phrase for a trail gone cold may be the least of the McCartneys’ worries.

An off-duty police officer in Belfast’s city centre gave this bleak forecast: “The sisters are OK now, but in six months, when everyone’s moved on, we’ll be lucky if one of their wee children doesn’t end up in the bloody River Lagan.”

Should it come to that, it will almost certainly be the work of men. And women will pick up the pieces.

Bulgarian verdict

Bnn - Bulgarian news network

Bulgarian Probe Finds No Trace of IRA Cash Laundering

14:33 - 25.03.2005

SOFIA (bnn)- Bulgaria’s chief financial intelligence official said Friday an investigation disproved suspicions that his country was implicated in attempts at laundering Irish Republican Army cash.

“There is no evidence of Bulgaria’s involvement in such a case,” Financial Intelligence Agency Director Vasil Kirov told a news conference in Sofia.

Authorities have been checking bank accounts and contacts of Irish businessmen Phil Flynn and Ted Cunningham, who traveled Bulgaria last January.

They were suspected at home of trying to launder IRA money. Irish police have seized a cache of GBP2.5 million (EUR3.6 million / US$5 million) in a country house Cunningham owns near the city of Cork. The money was presumably part of a GBP26.5-million (EUR37.9-million / US$53-million) loot from a Belfast bank robbery last December attributed to IRA.

The probe in Bulgaria found that Flynn and Cunningham had met Deputy Minister of Finance Iliya Lingorski and expressed interest to invest in property in the Balkan country.

They lodged EUR1, 000 (some US$1, 300) each in the Sofia-based Korporativna Banka AD (Corporate Bank Plc) and paid EUR58, 000 (some US$76, 600) to lawyers in the second biggest city of Plovdiv in expenses needed to establish and register several firms.

Kirov has previously said all payments Flynn and Cunningham made in Bulgaria were part of legitimate business activities.
/bnn/

obscure news sources

Ham and High: Wood and Vale Edition

Firms on alert after Real IRA terror warning

editorial@hamhigh.co.uk
25 March 2005

Following the threat of a terrorist attack, police have warned Westminster businesses and shops to be extra vigilant.

Police believe the Real IRA, a radical splinter group in the Irish Republican movement, is planning a bombing campaign in central London.

Officers have warned that bombs the size of cigarette packets could be hidden in clothes and upholstery, causing fires when detonated.

Police are urging businesses to review safety procedures. Staff should regularly search vulnerable areas and make sure their CCTV is working properly.

For more information visit www.met.police.uk/counter_terrorism.

IRA monument desecrated

Examiner

IRA monument in Northern town pulled down by vandals

By Gary Kelly
26/03/05

AN IRA monument in the centre of a Co Down town has been damaged by vandals.

The Celtic cross in Main Street in Castlewellan was pulled down from its base by vandals in the early hours of yesterday morning.

Three flag poles surrounding it were also uprooted with one tossed into the grounds of St Malachy’s Chapel.

The attack was condemned by Sinn Féin MLA for the area Catriona Ruane who said it was linked to political opposition to a republican Easter parade in nearby Newcastle.

The parade was called off by Sinn Féin earlier this week. Ms Ruane described it as a mindless act of vandalism. “Actions such as this will make the job of improving community relations much more difficult.

“I have no doubt that those who carried out this attack were determined to try and escalate tensions in the area.

“It is no co-incidence that this attack on a republican monument comes at a time when the SDLP and DUP are actively opposing the Sunday Easter parade in Newcastle.

“There are elements in South Down who are trying to stop nationalists and republicans from being able to celebrate the 1916 Easter uprising. These are the same people who cannot accept the ever increasing support for republicans and Sinn Féin in this area.

“I have a simple message for these people. We will rebuild the Castlewellan monument to the people who have died fighting for Irish freedom and we will continue to build the momentum for Irish re-unification,” she added.

SDLP councillor for Down District Eamonn O’Neill also condemned the vandalism.

“It is clearly an attempt to cause confrontation with the Provisional Republican movement at a time when we want conciliation,” Mr O’Neill said.

McDowell changes story

Irish Examiner

McDowell accused of changing story on deportation

By Paul O’Brien
26/03/05

JUSTICE Minister Michael McDowell was last night accused of changing his story as to whether he had read the file of Olunkunle Elunkanlo before deciding to deport him.

In an off-hand remark in the Dáil on Tuesday night, Mr McDowell appeared to suggest he may have delegated the reading of the file concerning the 20-year-old Nigerian student, or other cases, to his officials.

However, on Thursday night, a spokeswoman for the minister said he couldn’t remember whether he had read the file or not.

In between, Mr McDowell had announced a major climbdown by saying he would allow Mr Elunkanlo to return to Ireland on a six-month visa to do his Leaving Certificate.

The minister said his original decision had been wrong.

“I question whether in fact he ever read that file,” Fine Gael justice spokesman Jim O’Keeffe said last night: “Anybody who read the file would hardly have come to the decision he came to.”

There was a serious legal issue at stake, he added, because Section Three of the Immigration Act 1999 sets out 11 different criteria which the minister must himself consider before determining whether a deportation order is to be made.

In Tuesday night’s Dáil debate, Labour TD Joan Burton said it was the minister’s job to personally consider the files in such cases, “but he passes it to others”.

Mr McDowell replied that “the deputy should acquaint herself with the Carltona principle”. This principle, which emanated from a 1944 British act, allows ministers to authorise senior officials to act on their behalf, although the ministers ultimately remain answerable for the actions.

The inference drawn by Mr O’Keeffe was that Mr McDowell had delegated Mr Elunkanlo’s file, or others, to officials for reading.

But on Thursday, the minister’s spokeswoman said: “He doesn’t remember this particular case.”

The minister was unavailable last night to clarify the matter.

Files on possible deportation cases are prepared by the Department of Justice’s repatriation section.

The minister receives the file together with a summary of the case and a deportation order, which he signs if he deems it warranted.

The department indicated on Thursday night that reading the summary would be sufficient for Mr McDowell to sign a deportation order.

Last night, Mr O’Keeffe said the minister had “changed his story”.

“It would be quite shocking indeed if we had a situation where the Justice Minister himself wasn’t fully complying with his statutory and legal obligations,” Mr O’Keeffe added.

The opposition has also called on the minister to clarify whether garda immigration officers entered a house in Athlone without a search warrant to look for a child earmarked for deportation.

Rosemary Nelson

Guardian

Inquiry to check army links in killing of Ulster solicitor

Angelique Chrisafis, Ireland correspondent
Friday March 25, 2005
The Guardian

The inquiry into the murder of the Northern Ireland solicitor Rosemary Nelson has been widened to consider whether the army or intelligence agencies were involved in her killing.

The inquiry, which begins next month led by the retired high court judge Sir Michael Morland, will now consider whether the government, police, army and other state agencies were in any way to blame for the car bomb attack which killed Ms Nelson or whether they facilitated her death or obstructed the investigation.

The solicitor, who had represented nationalist residents in Portadown’s Garvaghy Road during the contentious Drumcree marching dispute, was killed outside her home in Lurgan, county Armagh, in March 1999 by a booby trap car bomb for which loyalists claimed responsibility.

Before her death it was alleged that members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary had threatened her life.

The Northern Ireland secretary, Paul Murphy, yesterday widened the scope of the inquiry after submissions by human rights campaigners. Jane Winter of British Irish Rights Watch said she had given Mr Murphy evidence suggesting that soldiers may have been involved in the murder.

The inquiry into Mrs Nelson’s death is one of four tribunals recommended by the Canadian judge Peter Cory on controversial murders in Northern Ireland.

But the government came under renewed pressure this week over its attempts to pass a bill which would allow ministers to decide what can be heard in public in future inquiries. The inquiries bill will enable any inquiry to meet in large part in secret and will give government ministers powers to direct aspects of it.

Judge Cory’s recommended inquiry into alleged collusion between security forces and loyalists in the murder of the Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane in 1989 will not be set up until after the bill is passed, sparking criticism from the Finucane family of a “government controlled charade”.

The judge told a Washington committee that the new legislation “would make a meaningful inquiry impossible”, creating “impossible terms for any international judge asked to chair the inquiry”. He described it as “an intolerable, Alice in Wonderland situation”.

Lord Saville, who chairs the Bloody Sunday inquiry, has said he would not be prepared to serve on a tribunal under the new terms.

The Law Society, Amnesty International and eight other human rights groups this week issued a statement warning that any inquiry held under the proposed legislation “would not be effective, independent, impartial or thorough, nor would the evidence presented to it be subject to sufficient public scrutiny”.

In order to command the trust of the public, the inquiry system must allow “close public scrutiny” and allow the relevant victims to actively participate. “The inquiries bill does not do this,” they warned.

Bobby Sands for MP

CAIN: Chronology of the Conflict 1981

Free Image Hosting at www.ImageShack.us
Click to view

Thursday 26 March 1981
Bobby Sands was nominated as a candidate in the by-election in Fermanagh / South Tyrone on 9 April 1981.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Jude Collins

Daily Ireland

Agreement is the greatest threat to unionism

Anthony McIntyre deserves to be heard when he speaks of politics. As he explains in some detail in an article in the LA Times recently (‘The IRA is Morphing into the “Rafia” ‘ LA Times, March 10) he was a member of the IRA, was imprisoned for killing a unionist paramilitary and took part in the prison protest against criminalisation of political prisoners.
Mr McIntyre, it could be said, has paid his republican dues and his claims in the article merit a hearing. Unfortunately, most of the claims appear to be built on air.
Claim 1. Gerry Adams smothers internal discussion in his party and surrounds himself with head-nodding lackeys. Evidence for this charge: none. How could there be? Like most political parties, Sinn Féin presumably doesn’t invite its most vocal opponents to sit in on internal discussions.
Claim 2: By signing the Good Friday Agreement, Sinn Féin committed themselves to ‘celebrating’ the defeat of republicanism. Evidence: some. Gerry Adams’s party did indeed sign the GFA in 1998. Since then, support for that party has grown with every election. Two weeks ago, amid the media firestorm, the Sinn Féin candidate in the Meath by-election increased his vote share by 25 per cent. Over 300,000 people now vote for Sinn Féin, making it the third biggest political party on the island. Irish republicanism hasn’t been this strong since the 1920s.
Claim 3: Republicans have no strategic framework for securing the withdrawal of the British state from Ireland. Evidence: none. On the contrary, when the IRA called its ceasefire in the early 1990s, the Ulster Unionist leader James Molyneaux declared that the union with Britain was now faced with its biggest threat since the foundation of the state. Ian Paisley has repeatedly said words to the same effect, pointing to the GFA as evidence. Mr McIntyre may see no strategy for reunification, but Jim Molyneaux then and Ian Paisley today clearly do.
Claim 4: The IRA exists to enhance the power and prosperity of republican leaders. Evidence: none. Few political parties anywhere in the world have their accounts scrutinised with the rigour those of Sinn Féin receive, yet no accounting irregularity or figure manipulation has been detected.
Much sound and fury from Mr McIntyre, then, signifying not a lot. Of course his voice is not alone in attacking Mr Adams’ party. For months now, a blitzkrieg of criticism has been unloaded on Irish republicans.
In the pre-Christmas weeks, the outcry focused on the robbery of the Northern Bank in Belfast. In the absence of any evidence then or since that the IRA had conducted the robbery, the British government has docked some £180,000-worth of Sinn Féin parliamentary allowances. Voices in the media, normally quick to detect injustice and cry ‘Foul!’, were silent.
Since the end of January, attention has switched from the bank robbery to the murder of Robert McCartney. Sympathy among Irish nationalists for the sisters of the dead man was and is strong. But there is a growing suspicion, in some cases hardened into certainty, that many in politics and the media expressing compassion for the sisters are in fact using the family as a club with which to beat republicans.
As many nationalists see it, international sympathy for the McCartneys is selective. They ask why the murder of solicitor Pat Finucane in 1989 or of human rights lawyer Rosemary Nelson in 1999 or of the dozens of Catholics killed by loyalist paramilitaries down the years did not provoke the sustained outrage elicited by the death of Robert McCartney. They wonder why the McCartney sisters received acclaim throughout the US while Geraldine Finucane, also visiting over the same period, was virtually forgotten. Resentment deepens each time they see another politician appear on television to applaud the sisters, denounce republicans and call for the IRA to decommission and disband.
Of course IRA decommissioning and disbandment could have been secured months ago. Some weeks before Christmas, that organisation offered to destroy all its weaponry in the presence of General John de Chastelain plus two clergymen representing the Catholic and Protestant churches, and to stand down all IRA volunteers. Faced with the prospect of an IRA-free Sinn Féin, Ian Paisley’s Democratic Unionist Party hastily demanded more: there must be photographs, there must be ‘sackcloth and ashes’, there must be public repentance. The British and Irish governments pandered to Paisley’s fresh demands and the deal fell apart.
So yes, nationalist Ireland is united in sympathy with the rest of the world for the McCartney sisters and does hunger for an end to violence. But it is getting increasingly fed up with those like Mr McIntyre who stand on the coffin of Robert McCartney and indulge in finger-pointing unsupported by evidence.

Email me: judejcollins@gmail.com
Website: www.judecollins.net

Jude Collins is an academic, writer and broadcaster. His latest novel is ‘Leave of Absence’ (Townhouse, £6.99)

Why the IRA?

Daily Ireland

Letters to the Editor

Why the IRA?

In the late sixties, the IRA had decommissioned and gone away. Then what happened? The RUC, B Specials, the unionist/loyalist/UVF axis and their British masters all declared war on a defenseless nationalist population. Results, Burntollet, Bombay St, Bloody Sunday, internment etc etc.
Hundreds of nationalists burned out of their homes, interned and many murdered and maimed. What did our “guardians” in the Irish government do? They didn’t just stand idly by, they jailed anyone who dared to defend us including some of their own ministers.
These are the same people who are today crying for the IRA to decommission and go away. You already got your decommissioning and your surrender. We know what you did then. By your present attitude and past record, we know well what you would do in the future.
The rebirth of the republican movement was, and is, our only defense against the invader and her surrogates. They taught us to get off our knees. These are the people we will continue to support and we will not be voting for surrender, or a sectarian police service.

Laurence O’Neill
Martinstown

Kennedy Snub

IRA2

**Don’t know who wrote this, but it touches a few interesting points

The Kennedy Snub

Irish Voice

St. Patrick’s 2005 was the week that Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams
was essentially ignored, apart from a flood of condemnatory headlines and tough talk from previous supporters such as Senator Edward Kennedy and Congressman Peter King.

Privately, Sinn Fein drew a strong distinction between the two men. King met with Adams twice and argued his point on the need for the IRA disbanding which the party considered fair game.

Kennedy, however, was seen to have blindsided Adams after agreeing to a meeting and then abruptly canceling. By refusing to meet Kennedy has damaged himself in Sinn Fein’s eyes.

Why Kennedy chose to do it was puzzling. After all, if he didn’t want to meet Adams he could have just said so to begin with. Something clearly changed the weekend before St. Patrick’s Day when the abrupt decision was made.

For Kennedy’s part, aides say he had agonized over his decision. Close aides say the breaking point was evidence shown to him by the Irish government that the IRA definitely did the Belfast bank robbery.

Kennedy had initially been particularly skeptical of the two governments’ claim that they had such evidence. When it was produced and when the McCartney killing followed, Kennedy thought about jumping off the Sinn Fein bandwagon.

The final straw was the IRA statement kindly offering to kill the alleged perpetrators of the McCartney slaying. After that Kennedy was on the anti-Adams bandwagon.

McCain No Friend

In the end Kennedy had a perfect right to come out against Sinn Fein. He has paid his dues, and no other American politician can take away his leading role in the IRA ceasefire of 1994 and the granting of a visa for Adams to come to America.

It is not the same with Senator John McCain, however, who launched a vicious attack on Sinn Fein at the American Ireland Fund dinner in Washington with Adams present.

McCain has no track record at all on Ireland, other than being a patsy of the British Embassy for many years. He gave every impression that he was and is a devoted Anglophile.

Therefore, his attack should not have been that surprising, given his background. The fact that he felt he had the moral authority on the issue, which Kennedy undoubtedly had, is confusing, however. We will never confuse those two men on the issue of Ireland.

Hillary Joins the Pack

Senator Hillary Clinton was another to join the great Sinn Fein offensive, joining with Senators Chris Dodd, Kennedy and McCain to issue a statement demanding that the IRA disband.

Clinton had been the target of an attack in the New York Daily News on the day before St. Patrick’s, implying she was soft on the IRA and didn’t want to call for them to be disbanded.

Immediately after that the New York senator was on the case and came out strongly for the IRA to go out of business. Given the hard-line stance on security issues it was hardly a surprise, but not meeting Adams was a mistake on her part.

The Clintons, of all people, should realize that politics of exclusion do not work. One wonders what Bill would have made of his wife’s move.

McCartney Glamour Girls Criticized

The McCartney sisters were not flavour of the week back in Ireland with everybody. One unkind commentator referred to them as “The Corrs,” after the superstar rock group, because of the glamorous way they dressed for the American Ireland Fund ball on March 16 in D.C.

Unfair, but some of their comments to the notoriously anti-Gerry Adams Irish media were off key. Calling Republicans “Nazi thugs” as the McCartneys did in an interview with the Sunday Independent certainly did not win them any converts for their diplomacy.

Indeed, the vicious anti-Republican spin in the media in general led many Irish Americans to retrace their steps on the issue and line up behind Adams again.

As a rule of thumb, when you are being castigated by the vast majority of the neo-Unionist media in Ireland, you are probably doing something right as many Irish Americans realized. Never forget the abuse heaped on John Hume when he set about bringing peace to Ireland by those newspapers.

Bush’s Tone

If there was one politician who distinguished himself in Washington it was President George W. Bush.

Yes, he barred Sinn Fein from the White House, but was careful enough to ensure that other parties didn’t get to go as usual. In addition, his special envoy to the North Mitchell Reiss got to meet Adams, and apparently the two men had a very constructive discussion.

Bush also did not use the kind of inflammatory language that Senator McCain, or to a lesser extent Senator Kennedy used, when talking about Sinn Fein, no doubt keeping his options open.

Indeed, Bush was very moderate in his remarks, both after the shamrock ceremony with Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Bertie Ahern and after meeting the McCartneys.

What could he know that others don’t? Hmm.

Herr Minister on Immigration Rampage

RTE News

**This is NO way to solve any kind of immigration problem

Six Nigerian children in hiding in Athlone

25 March 2005 22:00

Six Nigerian children, who are wanted by the Garda Immigration Bureau for a deportation order, are still in hiding in the midlands, ten days after gardaí searched a school there.

Staff at Our Lady’s Bower secondary college in Athlone have said students were left in uproar after the gardaí stormed into a classroom looking for a Nigerian girl.

An appeal has also been made for the girl’s mother and another Nigerian woman to be allowed return to Ireland after she was deported on the same day. The two were deported to Lagos last week.

The calls come in the light of Minister for Justice Michael McDowell’s decision to bring back Olukunle Elukanlo to sit his Leaving Cert.

Two Athlone-based Nigerian families were broken up when mothers Elizabeth Odunsi and Iyabo Nwanze were among 35 people deported to Nigeria on 14 March.

The two women each brought one of their children with them, but their other children were left behind.

Ms Nwanze’s son Emmanuel (8), and Ms Odunsi’s children Mabajoye (18), Oluwaseun (14), and Olwasegun (11), are all in hiding in the midlands to avoid deportation.

The women had been rearing the children on their own.

A campaign has been launched to bring back Ms Odunsi and Ms Nwanze to their families.






















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