SAOIRSE32

18/6/2005

Plea for the ‘Disappeared’

BBC

‘Disappeared’ plea during funeral


Mr O’Connor was buried two years after he went missing

The funeral has taken place of the County Armagh man whose body was discovered in his car in Newry Canal.

Gareth O’Connor, 24, went missing in May 2003 on his way to a Dundalk police station in the Irish Republic as part of his bail conditions.

Detectives believe Mr O’Connor was killed by the IRA. The IRA denied this.

Police divers found his car last Saturday. A priest at his funeral asked for those with information on the so-called Disappeared to come forward.

Father Sean Dooley told mourners at St Patrick’s Cathedral, Armagh, on Saturday, that the anguish continued for those families whose loved ones had been murdered by the IRA but whose bodies had not been located.

“I appeal to anybody who has any information about the Disappeared to contact their families directly or indirectly so that other bodies may be cut down from the crosses and given Christian burials,” he said.


Bernie O’Connor walks behind the coffin of her son, with his partner Leona

“How can you go home to your families every night knowing the hell these families are enduring?” he asked those who thought they could help.

Mr O’Connor’s blue Volkswagen Golf was discovered close to Victoria Lock near Newry last Saturday after a two-day operation involving members of the PSNI’s underwater search unit.

A post mortem failed to establish the cause of death. DNA tests were needed to identify his body.

He had been last spotted on closed-circuit television pictures driving through the County Armagh village of Newtownhamilton.

Mr O’Connor, a father-of-two, had been charged with belonging to an illegal paramilitary group - the dissident republican Real IRA.

Following the Requiem Mass, Mr O’Connor’s remains were buried in a family plot in St Patrick’s Cemetery.

Gareth O’Connor

RTE

O’Connor funeral takes place in North

18 June 2005 14:08

The funeral has taken place in Armagh of Gareth O’Connor, who had been missing for over two years and whose body was discovered in his car at Newry Canal last weekend.

His family believe the 24-year-old father of two had been abducted and killed by the IRA, but that group denied involvement.

Mr O’Connor had been facing charges of membership of the Real IRA **and is also accused of being a tout (see The Badger’s Sett for links on this).

Hain out to prove himself to unionists

BBC

Shankill bomber returned to jail


Shankill bomber Sean Kelly is back in jail

An IRA man who was convicted of the Shankill bombing in which 10 people died, is back in prison after his early release licence was suspended.

NI Secretary Peter Hain said he had authorised Sean Kelly’s return to jail after security information indicated he had got “re-involved in terrorism”.

Kelly was one of two men who planted a bomb in a Shankill Road fish shop in 1993. Nine civilians died.

He was freed early from prison in July 2000 under the Good Friday Agreement.

Kelly was injured in the explosion and his IRA accomplice was amongst those killed.

Mr Hain said: “I am satisfied that Sean Kelly has become re-involved in terrorism and is a danger to others and while he is at liberty, is likely to commit further offences.

“On the basis of security information available to me, I have decided to return Sean Kelly to prison with immediate effect.”

Mr Hain also warned that he would not hesitate to suspend the licence of other prisoners who were freed from prison early under the Good Friday Agreement if they “presented a risk to the safety” of others.


NI Secretary Peter Hain has suspended Kelly’s licence

North Belfast Sinn Fein assembly member Gerry Kelly said Mr Hain had made a “deplorable” decision.

He accused Mr Hain of “acquiescing to the demands of unionists and securocrats opposed to the peace process”.

“This was a calculated decision that will increase tensions in north Belfast and elsewhere in the middle of the marching season. It was a cynical decision,” he said.

During his trial, Kelly, from north Belfast, refused to recognise the court and declined to give evidence in his defence.

He received a total of nine life sentences.

It will be now for the independent Sentence Review Commissioners to consider Kelly’s case and decide whether to revoke his licence.

Sean Kelly

BreakingNews.ie

Bomber returned to jail

18/06/2005 - 15:20:42

One of Northern Ireland’s most notorious bombers was re-arrested and returned to prison today, accused of resuming links to ‘terrorism’.

Sean Kelly, 33 who was jailed for bombing a Belfast fish shop that killed 10 in 1993, had his early release licence suspended today by Secretary of State Peter Hain.

Kelly was released with other prisoners in July 2000 under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.

Mr Hain said he acted today on security intelligence that Kelly had become involved again with terrorist activity.

“I am satisfied that Sean Kelly has become re-involved in terrorism and is a danger to others and while he is at liberty, is likely to commit further offences,” he said.

“On the basis of security information available to me, I have decided to return Sean Kelly to prison with immediate effect.”

Mr Hain also warned that he would not hesitate to suspend the licence of other prisoners who got early release scheme under the Good-Friday Agreement if they presented a risk to the safety of others.

“My priority is public safety and the interests of the whole community and I cannot permit freedom to an individual intent on abusing the opportunity they have been given to benefit from the early release scheme,” he said.

“I am satisfied that this particular individual has breached the terms of his licence and that it is appropriate for me to suspend his licence.”

The independent Sentence Review Commissioners will now consider Mr Kelly’s case and decide whether to revoke his licence.

Kelly was sentenced to life for the murders of nine people, including two children, when he bombed Frizzell’s fish shop on the Shankill Road in October 1993.

Kelly was released under strict conditions in July 2000 that he didn’t support a specific organisation, didn’t get involved in terrorism acts or didn’t become a danger to the public.

Loyalist politicians have called for his arrest and return to prison in the past as they claimed he was orchestrating nationalist riots.

Kevin Fulton

cryptome.org

Kevin Fulton Accuses Solicitor Jason McCue

18 June 2005. Thanks to A.

Kevin Fulton links:

Relatives For Justice
BBC
Sunday Herald
cryptome.org

Jason McCue links:

H20 Law
Observer
BreakingNews.ie
Times Online


The Law Society of Northern Ireland,
Law Society House,
98 Victoria Street,
Belfast BT1 3JZ,
Northern Ireland
United Kingdom

Friday the 3rd June 2005

Dear Sir/Madam,

Re: Complaint Against Solicitor Jason McCue

It has been brought to my attention that a number of documents are in general circulation regarding a member of the Law Society.

These documents purport to represent a police officer making an internal intelligence memo, in these documents it is clear the officer is making note of information received from a source, I now know to be Jason McCue, solicitor.

What is of concern to myself is that this intelligence was derived with what can only be with the explicit agreement of Jason McCue, or at the very least with the cognitive knowledge that the officer would be duty bound to report this information back to the intelligence machinery of the RUC/PSNI.

The information that was departed to the officer, was not evidence of a serious crime or an act of criminality, but contained information of a security package provided by a leading national newspaper group.

This security package was granted to assist my swift exit from the United Kingdom after I had given evidence in legal proceedings, in which one individual giving evidence had already been murdered.

But what causes further concern is that I was pivotal to Police Ombudsman’s Investigation into the Omagh bombing, as a result of which I have safety and security fears from both serving and retired police officers who would wish to cause me harm or loss of life.

As a result of my being Whistleblower, in exposing the wrong doings of the state and the RUC/PSNI.

And the very fact that I had a confidentiality agreement with the national newspaper which Jason McCue was directly involved in both the drafting and the signing of the this agreement.

I diligently adhered to both the terms and the spirit of this confidentiality agreement, and I’m absolutely disgusted that a serving and registered solicitor can breach confidence with such a devastating effect.

As a result of this information being provided to the RUC/PSNI I was unable to return to my place of security which quite clearly was comprised and would likely place me at risk from attack from rogue elements of the police and or republican terrorists and or the agents.

My bolthole was also my only source of income, and my investment amounting to tens of thousands of pounds has been lost, along with a substantial income which should have been derived from my hospitality business.

He not only breached the said agreement, he discussed the matter with a third party without the contractual parties consent, knowing full well that to do so would be a breach of confidence.

It should also be noted that during the course of my signing this confidentiality, there was a clause which gave me the right to seek independent legal advice, when I raised this issue with Jason McCue.

He refused to forward the material to a solicitor that I was instructing, which I believe would be a conflict of interest, due to the fact that McCue was acting for and on behalf of the national newspaper and was both acting on my behalf by way of giving advice before during after I signed the confidentiality agreement, he also insisted that he retain copies of my agreement in his office for safe keeping.

I now require to know what the Law Society is going to do about investigating this matter.

How can anyone have confidence in the legal profession when confidentiality agreements are divulged to a third party without the knowledge or agreement of the contractual parties concerned, and that such a breach was caused by a solicitor.

Yours sincerely

{by e-mail signed: Kevin Fulton}

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- Sun Tzu

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Robin Livingstone on mixed grills, a hoax oath and touts

Daily Ireland

**Via News Hound - This is good! My favourite is the last section.

Mixed grills? Yeah. Padre Pios? No.

BY Robin Livingstone

So the term ‘Padre Pio’ has entered the dictionary. According to the latest edition of Collins it’s “a form of punishment shooting employed by paramilitaries in Northern Ireland in which the victim is shot through the palms of both hands.”
Now I have to come clean here. I know a bit about punishment beatings and shootings, not because I’m in the RA or anything, honest… simply because I was brought up in Lenadoon where beatings and shootings were a depressingly regular occurrence. And not surprisingly, young Livingstone was on the scene before or after a few, ah, nasty events.
But never, not once, have I heard the phrase ‘Padre Pio’. Never, not once, have I heard it uttered by any of my friends or neighbours. And, crucially, never, not once have I heard it uttered by any republicans, or even by any of the Hucklebucks whose task it was to administer the Wild West justice.
The only people I’ve ever heard using it are journalists. The phrase appeared out of nowhere only recently, and was enthusiastically adopted by hacks because they’re lazy and love it when somebody else does their work for them and most of them work for people who hate republicans.
The Padre Pio thing works as great propaganda on a number of levels. Not only does it confer an aura of martyrdom on the victim, it also winds up those many Catholics who have a soft spot for the bloke with the bleeding hands.

Polyester knickers

I’m not sure what my favourite piece of reportage was from the days when a reporter’s assignment was simply “go to the bar at the Europa and talk to the bloke in the green jumper with patches on the shoulders”. I liked the knickers one. This claimed that IRA volunteers carrying firebombs in their underwear were likely to suffer a horrible fate because the static electricity generated by the polyester in their knickers was likely to set the device off. Ouch!
Doubtless women asking for cotton knickers at Marks & Spencer immediately fell under suspicion.
Then there was the streetlight Mata Hari business. Young squaddies (Brits were always young and they were always squaddies) were being lured to their deaths by republican strumpets who undressed at the bedroom window without drawing the curtains. When a red-blooded young squaddie stopped under the street lamp outside the house to admire the view, he was picked off by an IRA sniper. Devilish, yes, but at least the bloke died happy.

Hoax oath

I always liked the Sinn Féin oath myself. The wonderful part about it is that it is still widely circulated and a fair number of Prods think it’s kosher. The oath begins “I swear by almighty God, by all heaven, by the holy blessed prayer book of the Roman Catholic Church, by the Holy Virgin Mary, Mother of God, by her bitter tears and wailings, by St Patrick, our blessed and adorable host, the rosary, to fight until we die wading in a field of red gore of the Saxon tyrants and murderers of our glorious nationality, if spared, to fight until not a single trace is left to tell that the holy soil of Ireland was trodden by these heretics.” And that’s just the warm-up.
The provenance of the hoax oath remains unclear, although that Europa bloke in the green jumper seems a likely candidate. But, clearly, whoever was responsible was embarrassingly unaware that a goodly number of IRA volunteers hate the Catholic Church more than the Free Presbyterians do.

Sacred Heart and a teddy bear

Given that the Irish and British press is overwhelmingly anti-republican, the fightback has been plucky but modest. When I was a cub reporter a veteran photographer, over whose name I shall draw a kindly veil of silence, used to spend a lot of time taking pictures of houses that had been destroyed in British army raids. And when I say destroyed, I do mean destroyed. These weren’t so much fingertip searches as kango hammer searches and more than once I’ve watched a house being dismantled while a Brit dug the garden up with a mini-JCB.
Anyway, this photographer fella had all the usual tackle in his bag – cameras, lenses, film, sandwiches – but he also had a couple of, let’s see now, what will we call them… props. He had a smashed picture of the Sacred Heart and a teddy bear. And when the raiding party left and we were allowed in to interview the householder and take pictures, he’d place the smashed Sacred Heart picture and the teddy bear in the middle of the mess and snap away to his heart’s content. Funny how much impact they added to the picture.

A very lucky tout

Now mixed grills, unlike Padre Pios, have been around for years. In the parlance of the street, a mixed grill is a bullet to both elbows, knees and ankles – always making sure to lie the victim down on grass to avoid those potentially troublesome ricochets. Next step up from a mixed grill is the old lead headache, normally the fate of touts but not always, I can reveal, because I was fortunate – or unfortunate – enough to meet one who beat the odds.
It was at the black taxi rank at Lenadoon shops and I was in a lengthy queue when a van pulled up and two IRA men opened the back doors and lifted out a bloke tied to a chair and set him down on the pavement. He had blood coming from his nose and mouth and a placard round his neck, which read ‘I Am a Tout’. Given that at this time touts normally spent two days upside down in a cattle shed in Co Louth before being dumped on the border with a booby-trap underneath them, it occurred to me that the placard should have read ‘I Am a Very Lucky Tout’ or perhaps ‘I Am a Very Well-Connected Tout’.
Taxis came and went and the queue shortened, but nobody lifted a finger to help him – come to think of it, nobody even looked at him. Well, not directly anyway.
I’m going to be honest here and admit that when I drew close to him I felt a little uncomfortable; not as uncomfortable as he felt, but uncomfortable nevertheless.
When my taxi came I clambered in with undignified haste and as I waited for the vehicle to fill up, I wondered whether I shouldn’t do the right thing and give the bloke a hand. I was quickly disabused of that notion by fear of a mixed grill, but not of a Padre Pio.

BT report on parade

Belfast Telegraph

Violence mars first big event of march season
29 injured in clashes around Ardoyne shops

By Andrea Clements and Deborah McAleese
newsdesk@belfasttelegraph.co.uk
18 June 2005

EIGHTEEN police officers and 11 members of the public were injured when violence broke out in north Belfast during the first major parade of the marching season.

Police said at least 10 petrol bombs, stones and bottles were thrown by nationalist protesters as dozens of marchers from the Tour of the North Parade passed the Ardoyne shop fronts last night.

Officers used water cannon after police and marchers were attacked. A 14-year-old girl suffered a broken arm at the flashpoint.

Sporadic fighting also broke out within the nationalist protesters, after bottles thrown from the back of the crowd hit those at the front.

Three people were arrested and charged with public order offences.

North Belfast District Commander Chief Supt Mike Little hit out at the violence, describing it as “disappointing”.

He said officers had come under “sustained attack” but that they had returned the area to normal as quickly as possible.

“Police will investigate the attacks on the parade by protesters as it passed the Ardoyne shop fronts.

“We will also investigate a breach of the Parades Commission determination by the protesters and subsequent disturbances.

“We will be examining CCTV footage from the scene and will work to bring all those found breaking the law to justice,” he added.

North Belfast MP, the DUP’s Nigel Dodds, said the attack on the parade and those returning home was “totally disgraceful”.

“Men, women and children were subjected to a vicious and indiscriminate attack that left a number of people with serious injures,” he added.

His party colleague Nelson McCausland said protesters had shown a “flagrant breach” of the Parades Commission determination.

SDLP’s Alban Maginness said last night’s events were a bad sign for the rest of the marching season and he called for the PSNI to review their operation.

“This now puts a further onus on all those involved around parades to redouble their efforts to try to keep this summer on our streets as peaceful as possible.”

Sinn Fein said the decision to allow the march to go past Ardoyne had been a “recipe for disaster”.

Councillor Margaret McClenaghan said the Orange Order had refused to speak to the Ardoyne dialogue group.

She said it was a mistake that the lodges and bands had been allowed past 20 to 25 minutes before their supporters.

And she claimed that parade supporters being escorted by the PSNI had “verbally and physically attacked” Catholic residents of the Crumlin Road.

Sectarian attacks

BBC

Paint attacks ‘may be sectarian’

The police are investigating a possible sectarian motive for attacks on five homes in north Belfast.

Paint was thrown at the houses in the Ligoniel area just after 0230 BST.

Pensioners, one of whom is in her 80s, live in three of the homes. A boy of four and two-year-old girl were asleep in another of the houses.

Scorch marks were also found which police think may have been caused by a petrol bomb. Sinn Fein’s Tierna Cunningham said people were terrified.

Meanwhile, residents in the Bogside area of Derry have claimed masked men threw bottles filled with paint at their homes.

The incident is said to have happened in the early hours of Saturday morning.

Police are investigating these incidents.

BBC profile of the Orange Order

BBC

Profile: The Orange Order


The Orange Order is a Protestant fraternity

The Orange Order is the largest Protestant organisation in Northern Ireland with at least 75,000 members, some of them in the Republic of Ireland.

Its origins date from the 17th century battle for supremacy between Protestantism and Catholicism.

Prince William of Orange, originally of the Netherlands, led the fight against Catholic King James.

He eventually took the throne in England and his final victory over James at the Battle of the Boyne in Ireland in 1690, sealed the religion’s supremacy in the British Isles.

In 1795, a clash between Protestants and Catholics at the Battle of the Diamond near Loughgall, County Armagh, led to some of those involved to swear a new oath to uphold the Protestant faith and be loyal to the King and his heirs, giving birth to the Orange Order.

Since then, the order’s principles and aims, and those of similar organisations it is related to, have changed little.

Criteria

It regards itself as defending civil and religious liberties of Protestants and seeks to uphold the rule and ascendancy of a Protestant monarch in the United Kingdom.

The only membership criteria is that an applicant is Protestant.

The order is organised into “lodges”. Lodges are created where and when members wish to set them up - Sir James Craig, Northern Ireland’s first prime minister, established a lodge at the House of Commons and there have been many linked to British military postings.

Orangeism is also active in former British colonies - principally Canada, New Zealand, Australia and the two west African countries of Togo and Ghana.


Twelfth of July is climax of the marching season

The annual 12 July “demonstrations” across Northern Ireland, the most important date in the Orange calendar, commemorate that victory at the Boyne.

At the heart of Orangeism is the right to parade - and the argument about what those parades stand for.

Orangemen and women say that the parades are intrinsically linked to their culture and community, be it a public statement of faith, a commemoration of those who gave their lives in war or the annual Twelfth of July festivities.

They stress that for decades there was no dispute from the Catholic community over routes and timings of parades.

Opponents of the organisation say the parades stand for bigotry and sectarianism and symbolise a Northern Ireland organised to uphold the rights of only one part of the population.

Parades

They argue that opposition to parades has grown as the Catholic community has asserted its right not to be subjected to the whims of one section of the community.

The Orange Order has never been simply a religious organisation. When the Home Rule movement emerged in the 19th century, the Orange Order steadily moved towards the unionist position.

The organisation opposed Home Rule and partition but concluded that the newly created Northern Ireland would be the defender of its cultural, civil and religious rights.

The first unionist Members of Parliament were drawn from the ranks of the loyal orders.


Dispute over Drumcree parade has made world headlines

Almost every minister in the Northern Ireland government from 1921 until the imposition of Direct Rule in 1972 was an Orangeman.

As the violence of the Troubles deepened, the Orange Order supported the security forces against republicans and its members opposed any political agreement seen as ceding ground to republicans or giving Dublin a say in Northern Ireland affairs.

During the early 1990s, republicans began attacking rural Orange halls, particularly in County Armagh, raising fears among the organisation that its members were threatened with being forced out of areas.

But at the same time, the Orange Order was faced with members displaying an ambiguous relationship towards loyalist paramilitaries and their activities.

Dispute

The Orange Order has had historic links with the Ulster Unionist Party. In previous years, it sent about 100 delegates to meetings of the party’s ruling council.

However, in March 2005 the Orange Order formally cut its links with the party, ending 100 years of ties.

The order said because of restructuring within the Ulster Unionist Party, it would have to make “impracticable changes” to its constitution.

The decision to reject the Good Friday Agreement had placed the organisation closer to Ian Paisley’s DUP than the pro-agreement Ulster Unionists and led to some members questioning whether or not the institution had become too political.


Last year’s march in Portadown passed off peacefully

Nowhere was this polarisation seen more than at Drumcree in Portadown. The route of the march, one of the oldest annual parades by the order, took on a symbolic meaning for both communities out of all proportion with its actual importance.

The Drumcree dispute has not only put the organisation at loggerheads with the Catholic community - but also with the forces of law and order which it, ironically, saw as one of its closest allies.

In 2000, one senior Orange figure said that the order was losing moderate members because it was increasingly dominated by politics, “ignorance and malevolence”. Images of protesters blocking traffic while brandishing Orange regalia with loyalist paramilitary figures in the background were causing a drift away from the order, he said.

Other members traced the change to the summer of 1998 when some of the worst violence associated with Drumcree was witnessed.

Parade protest

BBC

Parade ruling ‘breaches’ examined

The police are investigating alleged breaches of a Parades Commission ruling by protesters after violence erupted at an Orange Order parade in Belfast.

Eighteen police officers and 11 others were injured in the trouble during Friday’s Tour of the North parade.

Missiles were thrown by nationalist protesters as the parade passed a flashpoint area at Ardoyne on its return journey.

Six petrol bombs were thrown as police used water cannon to regain order.

Trouble flared at about 2100 BST as three lodges, followed by supporters, went past Ardoyne shops on the Crumlin Road, where nationalists had gathered to protest against the march.

Marchers had been separated from the protesters by a corridor of about 60 Land Rovers and police in riot gear, but were pelted with missiles, including bottles, bricks and golf balls.

There were further clashes between police and protesters and two water cannon were deployed. Six petrol bombs were then thrown. A teenager’s arm was broken during the trouble.

PSNI District Commander, Chief Supt Mike Little, said his officers had come under “sustained attack”.

He described the trouble as “extremely disappointing” and said officers would be investigating a breach of the Parades Commission ruling by the protesters.

“We will be examining CCTV footage from the scene and will work to bring all those found breaking the law to justice,” he said.

Sinn Fein’s Gerry Kelly said blame for the trouble lay with the original ruling by the Parades Commission.

“It has been a complete disaster from the decision,” he said.

“We spent all year arguing that the Parades Commission should have the ability to deal with supporters as well,” he said.

Police powers

However, North Belfast MP Nigel Dodds, of the DUP, said the fault lay with the protesters.

“The determination allowed for a peaceful protest. The protest was violent. Orange brethren, bandspeople and supporters and everybody else followed the determination to the letter.

“Even when they were under attack, nobody responded. They didn’t flaunt anything, they didn’t have anything provocative. They were attacked viciously.”

SDLP assembly member Alban McGuinness said the trouble did not auger well for the coming marching season.

“There have been a series of incidents here, and I must say, a very, very unfortunate lead into the marching season,” he said.

“This does not bode well. It has done nothing for community relations.”

The march was the first to be affected by an extension of the law governing the behaviour of parade supporters.

It gave police wider powers to control the movement and behaviour of parade followers at flashpoint areas.

The Tour of the North is among the first of a series of parades by Protestant Orangemen which culminates in the biggest demonstrations on 12 July.

A ruling by the Parades Commission had restricted nationalist protesters to the footpath outside the Ardoyne shops and loyalists supporters also face restrictions, following conflict at a parade last July.

Writer’s tax relief

Guardian

Ireland may abandon tax exemption scheme for creative writers

Secret talks threaten cultural incentive

Angelique Chrisafis, Ireland correspondent
Saturday June 18, 2005
The Guardian

Ireland, the land of saints, scholars and scribes, still nurtures a guilt complex for banning and exiling its greatest literary names. Joyce, Beckett, Wilde and Shaw all fled its mean-spirited ways. So for the last 35 years, the world’s smallest cultural superpower has consoled itself with a unique act of generosity: writers, artists and composers are spared from paying tax.

But Celtic Tiger Ireland is now being accused of reverting to its old philistine ways as the government consults in secret on whether to scrap the scheme.

Detractors claim that tax-avoiding British writers are taking advantage, and that an elite of millionaire popstars is using it to get rich. The Arts Council is outraged, arguing that Ireland faces losing “one of the most enlightened pieces of legislation ever introduced for the arts in any country”.

The scheme was dreamt up 1969 - the year Beckett won the Nobel prize for literature. It was the brainchild of Charles Haughey, then finance minister, now better known as the disgraced taoiseach who once spent £6,000 of public funds on Parisian shirts and took up to £8.5m in payments from businessmen. Haughey wanted to be seen as a patron of the arts.

All income from a “creative” work such as a novel, play or song would be exempt from tax, he decided. He told the British bestseller writer Frederick Forsyth, who had moved to Ireland and availed himself of the scheme, that his plan was “not so much to bring you bastards in, but to stop the outflow of Irish talent”.

Nevertheless, the tax exemption, which cost the Irish government €37m in 2001, has attracted a long line of British cultural tax exiles. Forsyth, author of The Day of the Jackal, signed up in the 1970s while he drove his white Rolls Royce around county Wexford. The pop band Def Leppard and the singer Lisa Stansfield later moved to Ireland.

The BBC’s world affairs editor John Simpson avoided tax on his book Strange Places, Questionable People while he lived in the exclusive town of Dalkey. DBC Pierre, who won the £50,000 Man Booker prize in 2003 and used the money to pay back a friend he had swindled, lives in a cottage in Leitrim, where his income from novels is tax-free.

But this year’s biggest controversy has been the arrival of the millionaire Scottish author of Trainspotting, Irvine Welsh, who moved to Dublin while his partner studies at university there and immediately signed up for tax-free status on his next book.

“Anybody would agree with a scheme where they don’t have to pay tax,” Welsh told the Guardian, adding that he would not see any benefits until next year. “I didn’t move here for tax reasons, but obviously as a writer I would take advantage of it. I know the scheme is there to keep big entertainers like U2 based in the country instead of losing them to LA.”

Ireland is left guessing as to how much or how little Bono and the members of U2 benefit. But a list of more than 1,000 artists and writers who have claimed tax-free status since 1998, released under freedom of information legislation, has caused sharp intakes of breath.

Cecelia Ahern, daughter of the taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, who received a reputed $1m advance for her first bestseller, is exempt from tax on creative work. So are Sinead O’Connor, Elvis Costello, and the band The Thrills. Also on the list is French writer Michel Houellebecq, who won the world’s richest literary prize, the €100,000 Dublin Impac award, and currently lives in Cork.

Joan Burton of the Irish Labour party said the government had included the writers’ tax breaks in its current financial review as a “smokescreen” to detract from the real issue that the top 400 earners in Ireland paid little or no tax thanks to other more questionable schemes. She said 80% of tax-exempt writers and artists earned less than €50,000 a year and needed to be supported.

Meanwhile, Forsyth, who is portrayed in the Irish press as the symbol of a greedy British writer exploiting Ireland’s generosity, said he had not known about the scheme when he married an Irish woman. “And being a complete fool, I didn’t actually write a book while I was in Ireland so it only saved me a few quid.”

He said the scheme should now be scrapped. Irish writers no longer needed an incentive not to flee to Bohemian London and “if British writers want to avoid tax, they can go elsewhere: the Channel Islands, the Bahamas, Bermuda or the Isle of Man”.

The call of the Emerald Isle

Writers and songwriters whose work is exempt from tax:

DBC Pierre

Winner of the Booker Prize for Vernon God Little in 2003, Pierre now lives in the border county of Leitrim, an increasingly popular hideout for artists and writers. He says he did not move to Ireland only because of tax but has declined to comment publicly on the merits of the scheme.

Michel Houellebecq

The controversial French novelist, who was acquitted of inciting anti-Muslim hatred in France after outspoken comments in a press interview, lived a reclusive life on an island off the coast of west Cork for several years, claiming tax relief on his novels.

Irvine Welsh

The Scottish author of Trainspotting lives in the fashionable Dublin suburb of Ranelagh while his partner studies at University College Dublin. He has vowed to live a more “bourgeois” and “pipe and slippers” life in Ireland.

Alan Warner

A star of the Scottish literary new wave of the 1990s, Warner - a friend of Welsh - has lived in Dublin since 1997. He claimed tax relief on his first book Morvern Callar, which won the Somerset Maugham prize and was adapted for the screen by Lynne Ramsay

Elvis Costello

Born Declan MacManus, Costello grew up in an Irish family in Liverpool and now lives in Dublin. Like other singers, he can only claim tax relief on income from musical compositions, not for his income from performing or touring.






















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