SAOIRSE32

26/6/2005

Help Malachy McAllister

McAllister Family Justice Campaign

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On June 29, 2005 (NOTE: the date was recently changed from the original date of July 1) the case of Malachy McAllister will be heard by the Third District Court sitting in Newark, N.J. Although there are higher courts in the land, it is doubtful that they would hear this case.

This is, in effect Malachy’s court of last resort. It is vital that there is a strong show of support at that time. Anyone who can possibly be there should make plans to do so.

This is the McAllisters’ most important court appearance to date and a strong show of support is needed. For further information and directions to the courthouse, please contact the Committee at:

StopDeporting@aol.com

Visit the website to learn more: McAllister Family Justice Campaign

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DUP sectarian shite

BreakingNews.ie

Unionist bullshite. No one has the right to take their sectarian harassment through anyone else’s neighbourhood.

Unionists in ‘parades crisis’ talks

26/06/2005 - 16:05:07

The Democratic Unionist Party is meeting the British government this week to discuss what it sees as a parades crisis following the postponement of the Orange Order’s annual Whiterock parade in Belfast at the weekend.

The order put off the parade yesterday and mounted a protest march in the loyalist Shankill Road area after the Parades Commission ordered that participants would not be allowed to march along around 100 metres of the nationalist Springfield Road and would have to divert through the site of a disused factory.

With the height of the summer marching season fast approaching with the July 12 parades, the DUP said they were seeking assurances from ministers.

North Belfast MP Nigel Dodds, his wife Diane, Assembly member for West Belfast, and North Belfast MLA Nelson McCausland, said in a joint statement the unionist community needed to have its rights recognised and upheld.

“Our purpose will be to lay out the severe strains that have been placed on our people by the disgraceful attacks on legal and peaceful parades and the bizarre and disgraceful actions of the Parades Commission.”

They said they would be seeking assurances over the Whiterock parade and also the Twelfth parades.

“Having noted the comments by security minister Shaun Woodward last week concerning defects in the Parades Commission consultations and his willingness to address the wider process, we will be exploring the need to build urgently on the opportunity this has presented for long term change,” they said.

There was a clear responsibility on the government to tackle the issue of parades and not hide behind the unelected and unaccountable quango which was causing instability and anger on the streets, said the DUP.

“In the short term it is essential that the Whiterock parade issue is resolved. That parade has only been postponed. It is still outstanding,” added the trio.

They said that after the attacks on a parade and its supporters in the Ardoyne area last week, and the Whiterock decision, the Orange order and unionist community had been responsible, mature and law-abiding.

But they warned that nobody , either in government or elsewhere, should ignore the “deep-seated anger and frustration that exists in the unionist community of north and west Belfast”.

The added: “That community now needs to have its rights recognised and upheld.”

The mother of all Belfast flashpoints

Independent.co.uk

Island of new homes offers hope in the shadow of Belfast’s 60ft-high sectarian peaceline

By David McKittrick Ireland Correspondent
25 June 2005

It is the mother of all Belfast sectarian flashpoints, the iconic birthplace of the modern IRA, a troublespot which for decades has been an intermittent war zone.

A forbidding 60ft-high peaceline, hundreds of yards long, imposes almost absolute segregation between the militantly loyalist Shankill and the trenchantly republican Falls.

It separates Cupar Way from Bombay Street, which houses a reverently tended “martyrs memorial garden” commemorating the IRA, Sinn Fein and civilian casualties of the conflict.

This is the spot where in 1969 marauding loyalists burnt Catholic homes in what many view as the start of serious violence. And yet, to general amazement, the Shankill side of the peaceline is showing the first fragile signs of recovery. The moonscape there is being re-colonised: new homes are being built there on land that was written off as uninhabitable.

So far it is a small-scale development, but the authorities hope it will eventually bring a dramatic transformation of this ravaged area. Practically in the shadow of the huge wall, amid barbed wire, the weeds and dereliction, stands a row of 18 new houses, some already occupied, some still being built by a developer with Shankill connections.

According to Baroness May Blood, the veteran Shankill-based community worker: “My mind goes back to the days when there was rioting there every night of the week.

“It was a wasteland and we thought it would never come to life again. I said, ‘Who the devil would buy a house there?’ But they’ve been bought - this is so good for the Shankill.”

Alan McNeill, 31, a call centre manager who lives in one of the Cupar Way houses, said: “When I tell people where I live, they step back in amazement and their eyes open wide.

“But times have changed. This will be a nice area. The changes in Northern Ireland have already been phenomenal, and there’s no going back any more.”

Elsewhere in Belfast, the £74,000 Mr McNeill paid for the house six months ago would buy a cramped two-up, two-down elderly house without a garden. But in his new home everything is large - the kitchen, the garden, the three bedrooms.

Mr McNeill explained: “I bought it because it was so inexpensive, but its value has already gone up to £90,000. As long as the peaceline holds, as long as the ceasefire holds, this is going to be a prime site for development.”

Margaret Smyth, another new Cupar Way resident, said: “I like to live life on the edge. I really wanted to get on the property ladder, that’s what really swung it for me. I did a lot of research and then I just thought, what the hell.”

The developments at Cupar Way arise from an emerging partnership between the housing authorities and a few private developers aimed at tackling the Shankill’s potent mix of deep social and paramilitary problems. The desolation and depression which has affected the Shankill has left the once-proud district with multiple problems in health, unemployment, housing and education.

In the 1960s, the housing improvements were not a success, while unemployment rose steeply with the closure of traditional industries such as shipbuilding. Then the troubles came as a hammer blow: the Shankill itself suffered, while thousands of local men joined loyalist paramilitary organisations and wound up in jail.

Later, in the 1990s, some loyalist groups turned to drug-dealing on a major scale, introducing yet another scourge to the blighted district. The exodus sparked by these factors eased housing overcrowding but introduced a new problem of under-population, leaving large areas disused and desolate.

This was particularly the case in peaceline areas such as Cupar Way, where the authorities deliberately left what were described as “sterile” areas in an attempt to cut down on the recurring violent clashes. The new Cupar Way housing developments thus challenge the long-established assumption that little or no improvement is possible.

According to the developer, Ken Smyth, who is building the 18 homes on Cupar Way: “Three banks turned me down before I could get finance. It was a high risk because the site was derelict for years, cars were getting burnt out on it and there was antisocial behaviour … It worked out at about £9,000 for the land for each house. The ground was cheap and therefore the houses could be cheap.”

The authorities believe it is realistic to hope the next seven years could see 2,000 new private houses there. Some believe this new phenomenon could be the salvation of Shankill, though it will take luck: yesterday, for example, the area was tense before a contested march due to take place today.

But there are no plans to remove the towering peaceline: the sobering fact is that, over more than three decades, dozens of such barriers have gone up but none has ever come down.

Yet if it cannot be removed it can, in some younger minds, be subtly re-defined. Mr McNeill, whose home looks directly on to it, explained: “It’s a big tourist attraction, buses and taxis are continually bringing people up to see it.

“The old stereotypes are starting to go now, and here with the wall you’ve a bit of culture, a bit of history.”

PSNI giving wristbands to kids

Derry Journal

**Via News Hound

PSNI Deny SF Wristband Claim

Friday 24th June 2005

The PSNI in Derry have denied claims that plainclothes officers have been handing out wristbands with the PSNI website address on it to children across the city.

Earlier this week Sinn Fein Councillor Billy Page hit out at police over the allegations and accused officers of behaving irresponsibly.

“Plain clothed PSNI personnel have been approaching school children in the Northlands area offering them a multi coloured wrist bands. This band has a slogan of “Fight Prejudice” as well as the PSNI website on it,” he said.

“As wristbands are the latest craze some children accepted them not realising that they were an attempt by the PSNI to bribe children into accepting them.

“While proper policing services are warning children about accepting gifts from strangers this discredited force has being doing the exact opposite.

“The reason for this approach by the PSNI is that every attempt to get into the local schools have been thwarted by the parents of the area. Due to this opposition the PSNI haven now decided to target the children in this dangerous and underhand way.”

However, police in Derry say they have no knowledge of any plainclothes officer approaching children not known to them in a public place for the purpose of distributing the wristbands.

“To ensure that there is no mischievous or malicious intent by others, police officers in this particular campaign have been advised to distribute the wristbands at schools, or if at other events, while in uniform,” the PSNI spokesperson added.

The multicoloured wristbands were given to Community and Schools Liaison officers across Northern Ireland by Community Safety Branch, and bear the logo “Respect Difference” along with the PSNI website address. The aim of the wristband is to encourage children at Key Stage two level - P5 to P7 - to think about difference, and to respect difference.

“Officers have handed out these wristbands at schools and at other arranged events as they have proved to be very popular” the PSNI spokesperson said.

“While we recognise that it is everyone’s responsibility to promote respect, we feel that the initiative will certainly contribute towards that.”

TDs to Sellafield

BreakingNews.ie

TDs to question Sellafield bosses over leaks

26/06/2005 - 16:33:58

A high-level group of TDs are to travel to Britain’s Sellafield nuclear plant to question bosses at the facility over recent radioactive fuel leaks, it has emerged.

Sean Haughey, chairman of the Oireachtas Committee on the Environment, said TDs were worried after the disclosures of a massive leak from the Cumbria plant.

“Our committee would be concerned that information into the leak is only coming in a drip feed manner,” Mr Haughey said.

“There is also the management. They don‘t even know the extent of the problem yet and that is concerning us. Every month more information is being given out by the company on the extent of the leak.”

On the committee’s first visit to the plant, Mr Haughey said TDs would be querying management’s efforts to rectify the problem and ensure it does not happen again.

The UK industry watchdog, the Nuclear Installations Inspectorate (NII) has warned Sellafield to make major safety improvements within four months.

The stern warnings came after safety experts investigated the massive leak at the thermal oxide reprocessing plant (Thorp).

The incident measured a worrying level three on the nuclear event scale.

The NII served two improvement notices after finding evidence of “significant deficiencies” at the nuclear reprocessing plant.

Last month, environment minister Dick Roche wrote to the British government and European Commission to highlight his lack of confidence in British Nuclear Fuels ltd (BNFL) over their management of the plant.

The leak was discovered by a CCTV camera on April 19, however, it was revealed the highly-radioactive nuclear fuel had started seeping from the broken pipe three months earlier.

“It went undetected, the pipe leaked enough to fill up an area the size of a couple of domestic bedrooms,” Mr Haughey said. “That must be cause for concern. The plant is now shut to deal with it.”

After a recent visit to the plant, the Radiological Protection Institute of Ireland (RPII), said there had been no danger to Ireland from the recent incident.

But the watchdog questioned whether the temporary shut-down of the Thorp plant would impact on the closure timetable for the facility.

Mr Haughey said the committee took the decision to make the trip in private session last Wednesday.

He said the committee would travel to the plant in late September to investigate whether it had placed systems in place to detect any similar leaks.

Article rebuttal

Guardian

**One of the comments I recently received pointed me toward the following article, so I felt it only fair to post it as a rebuttal to this post.

How media whipped up a racist witch-hunt

Despite the lurid headlines, police dismiss claims of child sacrifice

Ian Cobain and Vikram Dodd
Saturday June 25, 2005
The Guardian

The front-page headline leaping from the newsstands could not have been more clear: “Children sacrificed in London churches, say police”. At the same moment, the BBC was reporting that detectives trying to investigate the ritual murder of children accused of witchcraft were facing a “wall of silence”. Lord Stevens, the recently retired commissioner of the Metropolitan police, was weighing in to damn African churches, which he said were “obsessed by witchcraft, exorcism and evil spirits”.

Article continues
“We must”, Lord Stevens railed in a Sunday newspaper column, “stop this madness costing children’s lives.”

It looked, at a casual glance, like an open-and-shut case: Scotland Yard must have investigated the ritual abuse of African children, found that significant numbers of them had endured violent exorcisms, and uncovered evidence of children being trafficked into this country to be slaughtered.

Nothing is further from the truth. The police had conducted no such investigation, have scant evidence of ritual abuse of African children and - with the important exception of the young boy known as Adam, whose torso was found floating in the Thames four years ago - have seen nothing to suggest that any child has been sacrificed.

Media fascination with the “exorcism scandal” continued last week, however, reaching an almost hysterical pitch and leaving one police officer feeling he was “in the middle of a medieval witch-hunt”. Others wondered whether they were edging towards “another Orkneys” - an alleged child abuse scandal on the islands that never was.

The tumult was triggered by a leak to the BBC of a report examining attitudes towards child abuse among ethnic minorities in east London. The report had been commissioned by Scotland Yard after the official inquiry into the death five years ago of Victoria Climbié. Back then, the Yard hailed the research project as “an exciting and ground-breaking” attempt to discover more about the way in which cultural and religious values influence opinions about abuse. “It was intended to open a dialogue, to give us a list of perceptions,” a senior officer said last week. “It was not an investigation.”

After 10 months of research, Perdeep Gill, a social worker, and Mor Dioum, a Senegal-born civil rights worker, delivered their 85-page report earlier this month.

During a meeting with members of an African community, the researchers had learned of a belief that children were being abused during exorcism rituals at Pentecostal churches. Many such churches have sprung up in Britain’s inner cities in recent years, some taking over shops or small factories, others simply gathering in churchgoers’ living rooms.

Some pastors, according to people interviewed, were denouncing children in the congregation as witches, or declaring them to be possessed by demons, then forcing them into exorcisms in which they were starved and beaten, or had objects forced down their throats. At least one person is said to have told the researchers he had heard about children being smuggled into Britain to be sacrificed.

No evidence was offered to support these claims, and none was needed: Ms Gill and Mr Dioum had been asked to gauge beliefs, not establish facts, and the Yard believes there is no spate of ritual murders to investigate.

Shortly after the leak, however, came a flurry of media accounts of “a shocking Scotland Yard report” which was said to detail the way in which young African boys, “unblemished by circumcision”, were being smuggled through ports and airports to be slaughtered during the concoction of “powerful spells”. One BBC reporter described the report as “absolutely chilling”. The corporation says it stands fully behind its reporting.

Many newspapers, meanwhile, were reminding their readers that Scotland Yard had disclosed a few weeks earlier that 299 African boys had vanished from London school rolls.

Few mentioned that the police also said they were highlighting an administrative problem, and had no reason to believe any missing child, other than “Adam”, had come to any harm.

African church ministers and their congregations were outraged. “There is a lot of anger - we are taking a hit for something we are not engaged in,” said the Rev Nims Obunge, the minister of an evangelical church in north London.

Backlash

Lee Jasper, an adviser to London’s mayor, Ken Livingstone, turned his fire on the police, accusing them of being responsible for “a very dangerous report” which was resulting in “a racist witch-hunt of African communities”.

Amid this backlash, senior officers decided not to publish the report, fearing that to do so would unleash more lurid reporting and burn more bridges to African communities.

Nevertheless, many at the Yard remain convinced that it was a worthwhile research project. Indeed, the evidence of a degree of superstition among some Africans in Britain is obvious to anyone who reads the Voice, the national black newspaper. Each week the paper carries up to two pages of display advertisements for self-styled marabouts and psychics, men like “Professor Ki Kee”, who offers help with “voodoo and witchcraft” from his council flat in Peckham, or “Professor Baraka”, who offers to assist “victims of black magic” from his house in Nottingham.

Nor is there any doubt that there has been a rapid growth in belief in child witches in some parts of Africa. Aid workers in Congo, in particular, say they are alarmed by the number of children accused of being witches who have been cast into the streets after denunciation by fundamentalist Protestant pastors.

Save the Children saw little evidence of this when it first established a large presence in Kinshasa, the capital, in 1994. But by 1999 it was so concerned that it conducted a survey, which showed that between 30% and 40% of the estimated 70,000 street children in just one area of the city had been abandoned by their families after being accused of witchcraft. The charity believes the phenomenon has grown steadily since.

“At the root of this problem is poverty, pure and simple,” a spokesman said. “This is a country that has been deeply traumatised by war, disease and corruption, and where many people cannot afford to look after all of their children. One of the few growth industries is Pentecostal churches, which are offering salvation after years of bloodshed.”

Too many pastors, he added, were encouraging a belief in child witches, and too many desperate parents were seizing upon a reason to have one less mouth to feed.

To date, however, just two “witchcraft” abuse cases have come before the British courts. Victoria Climbié, who was brought to London from the Ivory Coast by her aunt, suffered terrible abuse before being taken to a church in south London where the pastor decided that she was possessed. The beatings continued and she died soon afterwards.

Three people are awaiting sentence after being convicted this month of the abuse of an eight-year-old Angolan orphan. They starved the child, who can be identified only as Child B, struck and cut her, and rubbed chilli in her eyes in an attempt to drive out the “devil” within.

Richard Hoskins, an African religions specialist at King’s College London, who advises the police, said he was aware of seven other recent cases where social workers had intervened: five in London, one in the south-west of England and one in the north-west. All involved people from Congo, he said.

There is also the deeply disturbing case of Adam, whose torso was dragged from the water near Tower Bridge in London in September 2001. He was aged between four and seven when he died, probably when his throat was cut, and forensic scientists have pinpointed the area of Nigeria where he was raised. Nobody has yet been charged with his murder, but detectives are convinced he was the victim of a ritualistic killing.

Commander David Johnston, head of child protection at Scotland Yard, said the police were well aware that “African communities do not tolerate the abuse of children any more than any other community”. The Yard, he said, needed to know more about occasions when “issues of faith and culture, which are perfectly acceptable, may cross a boundary into becoming criminal abuse of children”. He also said that “like in any other community, there are some people who are intent on harming children”.

A seven-strong team of detectives under his command, in an operation named Project Violet, has been examining past child abuse cases to see whether any signs of ritualistic violence emerge from the files. While police say that ritual abuse, like all other forms of child abuse, is probably under-reported, Commander Johnston is convinced that such cases are “very rare”.

Exactly how rare may be demonstrated by the child abuse figures from just one London borough. Over the last two years, social workers in Haringey have come across two children suffering ritual abuse, including Child B. Over the same period they have been alerted to about 6,000 cases of children in need, of whom about 650 were children in high need of protection, many of them suffering serious physical or sexual abuse.

Mr Obunge said it was this that most angered his congregation - a huge amount of attention being paid to allegations, largely unproven, of a relatively small amount of abuse by African people. “And it isn’t gullible people who are to blame,” he said. “It’s a gullible press.”

Lisa Dorrian

BBC

Ribbon campaign for missing Lisa


Lisa Dorrian’s body has never been found

The family of murdered Bangor woman Lisa Dorrian have launched a campaign to keep the case in the public eye.

Shops in the County Down town will give out blue ribbons to people who support attempts to find her body.

Lisa, 25, disappeared after a party at a caravan site in nearby Ballyhalbert on 28 February.

Loyalist paramilitaries have been blamed for her killing. Her sister Joanne said the family wanted to keep the spotlight on the case.

“Our main aim is to keep the people who are involved and the people who know something about Lisa’s disappearance… keep them seeing her face and showing how strong we are as a family,” she said.

“We’re not going to back down, we’ll keep fighting for Lisa.”

The police are looking at the possible involvement of members of the Loyalist Volunteer Force in the killing.

Her family have already offered a £10,000 reward for information leading to the recovery of her body.

It was not recovered despite extensive air, land and sea searches.

Earlier this month, they marked what would have been Lisa’s 26th birthday by releasing 26 white balloons over the seafront in Bangor.

Four people have already been questioned by police, but all have been freed without charge.

Tara protest by academics

BreakingNews.ie

Academics demand re-routing of Meath motorway

26/06/2005 - 13:33:00

Top academics from across the world gathered on the historic Hill of Tara today to highlight the reasons plans for the M3 motorway should be abandoned.

Several historical experts, who signed the massive petition calling on the Government to re-consider the proposed route of the new M3 motorway, gathered at the site.

The group debated the site’s inclusion in Ireland’s ancient historical tales to show the significance of the former Co Meath seat of the kings.

Dr Muireann Ni Bhrolchain, from the Dept of Medieval Irish and Celtic Studies in the National University of Ireland, Maynooth, said scholars made the trip to Tara as part of a conference on the Ulster Cycle of Literature organised by the college.

Dr Ni Bhrolchain, who is a member of the Save the Tara Skryne Valley Group, has been calling for the new road route to be placed further away from the historic Hill of Tara.

The lecturer gathered academics from across Ireland, UK, US, Canada, Germany, the Netherlands, Scandinavia, Croatia and Russia.

Eminent academics attending the historic site during the conference of the Ulster Literary Cycle included Professor Tomas O’Cathasaigh, Henry L Shattuck Professor of Irish Studies at Harvard University, Professor Joseph F Nagy, from the Dept of English at the University of California.

Another US Anthropology Professor, Ronald Hicks, from Ball University in Indiana, Professor Ann Dooley, University of Toronto, Canada and Dr Charles Doherty, School of History, UCD were also due at the hill site.

The Ulster Literary Cycle contains a collection of heroic tales following the exploits of the ancient mythical men, who were buried at the ancient site of the Navan Fort near Armagh.

It also includes the story of the ’Tain Bo Cuailnge’, or ’The Cattle Raid of Cooley’, which follows heroic Cu Chulainn, whose head and right hand were buried at Tara according to folklore.

Dr Ni Bhrolchain said the stories discussed went on to influence many literary giants including W B Yeats, Lady Gregory and revolutionary Patrick Pearse.

The scholars were part of more than 200 academics who expressed their concern to Environment Minister Dick Roche over proposals for the controversial route last April.

University College Dublin-based academic Edel Breathnach had handed over the hard-hitting statement highlighting disappointment over the planned road route passing close to the Hill of Tara and including a major interchange at Blundlestown, near the site.

However, Mr Roche has given the go ahead for preliminary work to begin on the route.

Consultant archaeologists for Meath County Council and the National Roads Authority (NRA) have already begun preliminary work before the archaeological excavation of 38 sites on the proposed route

Magennis’s

Sunday Life

Murder scene pub to get a facelift

By Stephen Breen
26 June 2005

The Belfast pub at the centre of the Robert McCartney murder is set for a major revamp, Sunday Life can reveal.

Sources close to the owner of Magennis’s bar - businessman Martin O’Neill - told us the city-centre pub is also set to be re-named.

Sources claim the changes will be made, if the pub is granted an entertainment’s licence by Belfast City Council, in September.

Sunday Life understand that no objections will be made by police to the request, and the bar owner’s application looks set to get the green light.

According to sources, the revamp will include a complete change to the bar’s interior and exterior. The pub’s new name has yet to be decided.

Mr O’Neill has so far refused to speak publicly about the row inside the bar, which led to Mr McCartney’s murder.

But, it’s understood Magennis’s has been losing cash - and customers - since the dad-of-two was slain.

Before the killing, the pub was popular with local office workers and solicitors from nearby courts.

Robert McCartney’s sisters have also staged a vigil outside the bar.

Said a source: “Martin has been approached by journalists all over the world to talk about what happened to Robert McCartney, but it is his decision to remain silent on the matter.

“But, the people close to him have said that he wants a fresh start for the bar and that’s why it’s his intention to refurbish it, and also give it a new name.

“The last thing he wanted was to have his bar at the centre of world-wide attention for all the wrong reasons, and for it to be associated with a brutal murder.

“Like any bar-owner whose pub has suffered a loss in trade, he will do whatever he can to get the business back to the way it was before the Robert McCartney murder.

“It remains to be seen what the new name will be, but it’s believed it will be something entirely different from Magennis’s, which has been around for a long time.”

One Belfast councillor said last night: “We would not pre-judge any licence application - all such applications are treated on their merits.

“But, we would expect all matters relating to the licence would be raised when the application is formally presented.”

Empey interview

Sunday Life

I don’t intend leaving fate of Union in hands of Ian Paisley - that’s just too big a risk’

In his first major interview since being elected UUP leader, Sir Reg Empey talks to Sunday Life…

Exclusive by Alan Murray
26 June 2005

Sir Reg Empey predicted last night that he’s the right man to reverse the UUP’s fortunes and regain the party’s position at the head of the unionist family.

However, Sir Reg (57) told Sunday Life he wouldn’t overstay his welcome at the helm - no matter how he fares.

He said: “Leaders stay too long - particularly in our circumstances.

“I think a party leader has a meaningful five-year popularity period, then it’s time to move aside and bring younger blood through.”

The ex-Assembly Enterprise Minister was selected after a vote by 618 members of the party’s ruling council.

Sir Reg was elected on the second count with 321 votes (52.7pc). Ex-Army major Alan McFarland got 287 votes (47.2pc). Strangford MLA David McNarry was eliminated after one count.

The relative narrowness of his victory has left Sir Reg in no doubt what he has to do to restore the UUP’s fortunes - and eat into the DUP’s huge Westminster majority.

He says:

• The UUP is no longer the “Establishment” party;

• the formal link with the Orange Order WON’T be restored;

• he would accept the resignations of party officers if offered, and;

• the age-profile of the membership is the wrong side of 60.

Said Sir Reg: “The old 1950s style of politics is finished and we need to move on and broaden the base of the party, and invite a broader range of people to join.

“There are many people now living in Northern Ireland who come from other EC countries and beyond.

“I think they would be attracted to a party that welcomes everyone who supports the core principle of being an integral part of the United Kingdom.”

He added: “We have ceased to be the ‘Establishment’ party - we don’t want to be portrayed as the political organ of elitism and privilege, and, indeed, it is a very misleading tag.”

Sir Reg admitted major political mistakes were made by the UUP leadership since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement.

He pointed to the “freezing out” of Jeffrey Donaldson from the Assembly election team as a serious blunder.

“That was the start of the major rift that rocked the party. I don’t think you get the best out of people if you are at war with them . . . and it tore us apart eventually.”

He will also accept the resignation of the party’s entire officer team in the coming weeks.

“If that offer (to resign) is presented to me in the coming days or weeks, I’ll accept it.”

On the link with the Orange Order, he accepts that the formal tie-up is broken, but argues the UUP shouldn’t “abandon” the order.

“What I would like to do is establish a conversation with the institution. I don’t think we should abandon it to a fate with Ian Paisley, who has missed no opportunity to snipe at it over the last three decades.”

On the broader political front, Sir Reg fears the embedding of a new phase of direct rule.

“The Government seems prepared to allow the 25pc Sinn Fein vote to hold back progress for the 75pc who didn’t vote for them.

“I suspect direct rule will become what it was in pre-Assembly days, and remember what that brought - the Anglo-Irish Agreement. I warn unionists - direct rule is a wolf in sheep’s clothing.

“Ian Paisley is now leading the larger unionist party, but it’s absolutely essential another large unionist party keeps Ian Paisley under close scrutiny, and points out to the electorate the pitfalls in any deal he might be planning with Sinn Fein.

“I do not intend to leave the fate of the Union in the hands of Ian Paisley - that’s just too big a risk.”

Jim Gray

Sunday Life

It’s all done and dusted for Doris
Ousted UDA boss’s empire crumbles

26 June 2005

The famous pub formerly owned by UDA boss Jim ‘Doris Day’ Gray crumbled to dust last week - just like the ‘bling brigadier’s’ empire.

The bulldozers moved in to flatten the Avenue One bar, on the Newtownards Road - which the bleach-blond, flash gangster ran before selling up earlier this year.

For years it was the unofficial UDA HQ in east Belfast, and last week it still carried reminders of perma-tanned Gray’s reign.

Printed on a wall, beneath a now empty frame, were the words “In Memory of JJ Gray”, a tribute to the ex-UDA boss’s 19-year-old son, Jonathan.

The teenager tragically died from a suspected drugs overdose while holidaying in Thailand with his father, in 2002.

Jim Gray (47), is currently in custody facing money laundering charges.

Days after he was booted out of the UDA, he was arrested near Banbridge, on April 7, this year.

Police found a bank draft for 10,000 euro, and nearly £3,000 in cash in his Mini Cooper car.

At a bail hearing, it was revealed that Gray told police the bank draft and cash represented part of the proceeds of the sale of the Avenue One and the Bunch of Grapes pubs, which earned him £130,000.

Neil White: another loyalist butcher

Sunday Life

Victim of loyalist attack leaves area

26 June 2005

Relatives of a young Catholic man, who miraculously survived a Shankill butchers-style attack by blood-thirsty loyalists, say he has quit his home town.

They spoke out after a 30-year-old Ballymena man last week pleaded guilty to his role in one of the most horrific sectarian attacks in recent years.

The terrified victim, also from Ballymena, survived by feigning death, and fled as his captors discussed sawing up his body.

At Belfast High Court, Neil White, of Wakehurst Road, pleaded guilty to attempting to murder the Catholic man in October 2003.

He is due to be sentenced on September 6.

The attack happened in Patrick Place, where the Catholic man was visiting the home of a Protestant friend in the loyalist Harryville area.

His friend was sleeping when three men arrived at the house and launched a savage attack, after quizzing him about his religion.

Relatives of the Catholic victim said he could no longer live in Ballymena.

Said one relative last night: “He is 6ft 1″ tall and it was his sheer physical strength which saved him. Anybody else probably would have been dead, but somehow he survived.”

At a bail hearing for White in November 2003, details of the horrific case were outlined.

The court heard the cord of a mobile phone charger was pulled around the victim’s neck, he was beaten on the head with a saucepan and stabbed with a knife while three attackers shouted sectarian abuse, including “Die, Fenian f….., die.”

A Crown lawyer said that as the sectarian abuse was shouted, the man feigned death. He then heard a conversation that one person should stay with the body while the others got a saw to cut him up.

After two of the men left, the victim attempted to escape by seizing a knife from Neil White, said the prosecutor.

A police patrol found the Catholic victim bleeding heavily in nearby Henry Street in the early hours.

Neil White, who had also suffered injuries, was arrested on his release from hospital later that day.

UVF and UDA, armed and ignorant

Sunday Life

Walk back from precipice
Loyalist terrorists were set to break ceasefires over parade showdown

Exclusive by Alan Murray, Stephen Gordon and Stephen Breen
26 June 2005

Image Hosted by ImageShack.us
click to view - loyalist Shankill protest

UVF and UDA bosses were set to order gunmen onto the streets over yesterday’s postponed Whiterock parade.

Both loyalist terror groups were on the brink of breaking their ceasefires if the parade had gone ahead - and been blocked by police on the Springfield Road.

Sources say the Orange Order’s decision to postpone the parade averted chaos.

Instead, thousands of loyalists took to the Shankill Road to cheer on a peaceful protest march that stopped short of the Workman Avenue flashpoint.

A reliable source, involved in the tense negotiations over the re-routed west Belfast parade, told Sunday Life: “There is no doubt that had the parade gone ahead yesterday and been blocked by the PSNI, then UVF and UDA guns would have been on the streets by the middle of the afternoon.

“Precisely what would have happened, and where and when the first shots would have been fired, wasn’t clear.

“But the decision had been taken in principle to issue guns in north and west Belfast.

“Who knows where it would have ended, but it would have spread across Belfast and there would have been chaos.”

Feelings were running high in loyalist areas following attacks on an Orange parade by nationalists in Ardoyne last weekend.

And there was further anger over the refusal by the Parades Commission to re-route the Whiterock parade away from Workman Avenue, off the mainly nationalist Springfield Road.

The source said:”There was pressure on the leaders in both organisations (UDA and UVF) to do something and the postponement of the parade has averted what could have become an uncontrollable situation.”

Orange Order relations with the Parades Commission are rock bottom. But it is understood comments by NIO Minister Shaun Woodward on Thursday helped persuade the order to agree to postpone the march, rather than prepare for a confrontation with the police.

Mr Woodward said he was “aware of very strong feelings in the community about the scale of consultation”, and said it would be sensible, in the autumn, to examine the controversy that has been heightened this year between the order and the commission.

The proposal to postpone the Whiterock parade until a later date was proposed on behalf of the Orange Order’s No. 9 District by the Rev Mervyn Gibson, chairman of the Loyalist Commission, and endorsed by the North and West Belfast Parades Forum.

The District yesterday issued a statement describing the commission’s determination on the Whiterock Parade as “insane and unjust”, and accusing it of appeasing militant republicans.

The Shankill came to a standstill yesterday as crowds cheered loyalists, Orangemen and bandsmen who took to the streets in support of the Whiterock Orangemen.

The marchers were joined by a group of local women, who at one stage attempted to gain access to Workman Avenue, with the banner ‘Equal Access to Shared Space’.

Senior unionists, including the DUP’s Nelson McCausland, the PUP’s Hugh Smyth and the UUP’s Bob Stoker were all in attendance. Leading members of the UDA and UVF also joined the crowds.

And top republicans, including Sinn Fein councillor Tom Hartley, were also present on the Springfield Road.

FARC

RTE

23 die in Colombia attacks

26 June 2005 07:18

At least 23 Colombian soldiers have been killed in two seperate attacks by Marxist guerrilas.

Another nineteen are also reported missing.

FARC rebels attacked an army base in Putumayo province near the Ecuadorian border, and ambushed a patrol near the Venezuelan frontier.

Two hundred troops have been killed so far this year in attacks by guerrillas.

West Belfast school vandalism

BBC

50 windows smashed at city school

Vandals have smashed more than 50 double glazed windows at a school in west Belfast.

The incident is believed to have happened at the school on the Stewartstown Road at about 1730 BST on Saturday.

Three boys aged about 10 were seen running across fields away from the school towards Willowvale Avenue.

Police have appealed for anyone with information about the incident to contact them.

One of the children seen running away had red hair and was wearing a green, white and orange top.

The two other boys were dressed in white tops and red trousers and had bleached blond hair.

PSNI petrol-bombed

BBC

Petrol bombs thrown at PSNI base

A police station in County Tyrone has been attacked with petrol bombs.

It is believed that up to 20 youths were involved in the attack in Coalisland at about 2230 BST on Saturday.

There were no reports of any injuries in the incident and no damage was caused to the police station.

Police have appealed for anyone with any information about the attack to contact them at Dungannon station on 028 90650222.

Garda corruption

Sunday Independent

New revelations in Donegal garda corruption case rock McDowell

CHARLIE MALLON

GARDA Commissioner Noel Conroy was last night called on to explain how the death of Richie Barron was changed in the Garda ‘Pulse’ computer system from murder to hit-and-run in February 2002, and why nobody was told about it at the time.

In another twist in the saga relating to the death of Donegal cattle dealer Richie Barron, Labour’s Joe Costello said this had not even been made known to the inquest held six months later.

It was the latest “extraordinary disclosure” arising from the death of Mr Barron and the attempt to frame members of the McBrearty family.

“The Oireachtas, the general public and the McBrearty family were not aware until late 2004 that the gardai were no longer treating the death as a murder investigation.

“It seems particularly extraordinary that when the Oireachtas was discussing the motion to establish the Morris tribunal in early 2002, nobody in the gardai apparently thought it was worthwhile letting TDs know that the designation of the death had been changed,” Mr Costello said.

It was even more bizarre that the coroner’s inquest into the death in September 2002 was not informed, he added.

The public was entitled to know who decided to change the designation of such a sensitive investigation, he said, and he questioned how the current Garda Commissioner did not know about this.

Meanwhile, Justice Minister Michael McDowell and his predecessor John O’Donoghue last night discounted a report that the gardai knew five years ago of the abuse of power by gardai in Donegal but failed to disclose the fact.

A spokesperson for Mr McDowell said the report in the Irish Times did not constitute “new information”.

Can the fox care for the chickens?

Sunday Business Post

Garda unable to police itself

26 June 2005

Minister for Justice Michael McDowell and his predecessor, John O’Donoghue, argue in defence of their handling of the Garda scandal in Donegal that they simply didn’t know the full story.

The Garda Commissioner of the day, Pat Byrne, did not hand over his full investigation file back in the summer of 2000.

Over the following two years, McDowell and O’Donoghue hesitated until finally taking action with the setting up of the Morris Tribunal. In the wake of the fallout from the Morris report, surely McDowell is asking hard questions of the current Garda Commissioner, Noel Conroy.

Conroy is the man upon whom the government ministers effectively relied for information - in the form of a summary report he supplied, in his role as deputy commissioner, in August 2000.

This document, sent to the secretary general in the Department of Justice, presents an extraordinary picture of the original botched investigation into the McBrearty family and the death of Richie Barron in 1996.

Conroy did raise concerns about the conduct of the investigation and was critical of certain officers. However, he found that “the facts and suspicions established in the initial investigation’‘ are “largely accurate’‘. And “all of the witnesses’‘ in the initial investigation file “confirm that their original statements were correct’‘.

The most vocal of the victims in the case, Frank McBrearty snr, is characterised by Conroy as “a manipulative person’‘, while his private investigator Billy Flynn is accused of offering “inducements’‘ to witnesses to get them to change their statements. As a result, O’Donoghue as minister and the attorney general of the day, McDowell, were reluctant to hold a public inquiry.

The reality is that Flynn and McBrearty exposed the attempts to frame a family for a murder that never happened. And the facts and suspicions established in the original investigation were largely inaccurate. That investigation, in the words of the tribunal chairman, Frederick Morris, was “disturbing’‘, “shocking’‘, “bizarre’‘ and “grossly negligent’‘. In light of this withering assessment, surely Conroy should consider his position.

The Donegal saga is far from over. The McBreartys’ civil case will proceed in all its gruesome, necessary detail; Mr Justice Morris has much more work to do. And McDowell is finally pushing ahead with the Garda Bill. His determination to push the bill through the Dáil last week is questionable.

Never mind the predictable histrionics of some opposition deputies – the minister was advised by practically all independent authorities that the model of a Garda Ombudsman Commission contained in the legislation was inadequate.

Not uncharacteristically, McDowell insisted that he was right, and everyone else was wrong. But we have all learned enough in recent weeks to know - sadly but undeniably - that gardai cannot be trusted to investigate gardai.

sbpost@iol.ie

The death of Brian Rossiter, 14

Sunday Business Post

More questions about death in Garda custody

26 June 2005
By Vincent Browne

There has been a further development on the Brian Rossiter case and Michael McDowell’s handling of it. But first, for readers of The Sunday Business Post who may not be acquainted with the case, a brief background.

Brian Rossiter was a 14-year-old boy who was discovered unconscious in a Garda cell in Clonmel on the morning of Wednesday September 11, 2002.

The previous Sunday night, he had been assaulted in Clonmel, and the following day he had a headache and black eyes. Nevertheless, he continued to play around Clonmel with his pals on the Monday and Tuesday.

On the Tuesday night, he and another friend were in the town centre and heard a shop window being broken. When they reached the scene of the incident, they saw an acquaintance being handed over to the gardai.

For reasons that have not yet been explained, they too were arrested, and there are allegations that the gardai used a lot of force in making the arrests.

According to the friend, when they got to the garda station, a named garda seriously assaulted the friend, knocking him to the ground and kicking him.

According to the friend, Rossiter later told him that he too had been assaulted in the Garda station. An adult who was present in the station also said he saw the two boys being assaulted.

At 9.30 the following morning, when gardai went to wake up Brian Rossiter, he was found to be in a coma. He was taken to the local hospital and put on a life support system, which was turned off on Friday September 13, 2002.

It appears that Dr Marie Cassidy, the state pathologist, did an autopsy, after being informed that Rossiter had been assaulted on the Sunday night and had been on a four-day drinks and drugs binge before being arrested.

She concluded that it was likely the boy had received fatal injuries to his head on the Sunday night, but that the symptoms of the injury had been masked by the drinks and drugs binge.

Apparently, she was unaware of a toxicology test done on Rossiter when he was first taken to hospital, which showed no traces of drugs or alcohol in his system.

It may turn out that Cassidy’s initial assessment is correct: that Rossiter died of injuries he received in the course of the Sunday night assault.

But his parents have said that they are to initiate a High Court action alleging wrongful death. They believe he died after being assaulted in custody. The Garda have denied any assault.

One way or another, there is reason to want an inquiry into the incident, independent of the Garda. The need for an independent inquiry is even more compelling given what we now know - and have known for some years - about what went on in Donegal and how the McBreartys’ complaints of a Garda frame-up and harassment were handled by the Garda authorities.

It is surprising, therefore, that when a solicitor acting for the Rossiter family first wrote to the Minister for Justice, Michael McDowell, on January 16, 2004, alarm bells did not go off in the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform.

They should have, because of the seriousness of the issue involved - the death of a 14-year-old boy in Garda custody - and because of the experience of Garda conduct in Donegal, as being revealed by the Morris Tribunal.

The first reply, dated January 19, 2004, acknowledged receipt of the letter and stated the matter was “receiving attention’‘. There was no further indication of any “attention’‘ for over two months.

So on March 29 the solicitor again wrote to Mc Dowell saying: “I would have hoped that the matter would have received more urgent attention, particularly since it relates to the loss of such a young life.”

On March 31 he received another reply saying the matter was “receiving attention’‘.

On April 22 the solicitor wrote again, saying: “Your office’s failure to reply [to previous letters], coupled with the refusal of the coroner, the DPP and Gardai to furnish a copy of the autopsy records to my client, has done little to bolster their confidence in the state’s appetite for a proper investigation of their young son’s death.”

On April 24, 2004, McDowell’s office replied that the matter was “receiving attention’‘. On May 20, McDowell’s private secretary wrote to the solicitor, saying: “On receipt of your letter dated 16 January 2004, the minister requested that the Garda authorities prepare a report on the matter. He will communicate with you further when it comes to hand.”

Finally, on August 31, a substantive reply was received to the original letter of seven and a half months previously.

It stated: “I regret the delay in replying, but this was due to the need to obtain a Garda report on the matter. This report is now to hand.”

It went on: “The investigation of a criminal complaint is an operational matter for An Garda Siochána and, as such, the minister has no role or function herein.”

It went on to refuse access to the autopsy report.

So it took McDowell seven and a half months to conclude that the original representations made to him concerning the death of Brian Rossiter amounted to a criminal complaint, and that he had no function in the matter.

No need to await a Garda report if that was the line to be taken. No need to wait seven and a half months. The bereaved family of Brian Rossiter could have been told to get lost seven months previously.

What is new about all this is that when the heat was turned up on McDowell, he issued a statement on RTE’s 5-7 Live last Monday saying: “I have spoken to the Garda Commissioner about this tragic death and I have asked for a full report on this matter. I will not be commenting further until this report is released.”

But, according to his office in the letter sent to the Rossiters’ solicitor on May 20, 2004, on receipt of the original complaint on January 16, 2004, “the minister requested the Garda authorities prepare a report on the matter’‘.

If this was true, what is the reason for another report now from the same Garda authorities? One of the following explanations for this seeming contradiction may apply:

there was no original request to the Garda authorities for a report, and the claim that there was is a falsehood;

there was an original request, but the Garda authorities did not supply a report, McDowell did nothing and the claim that the report was “to hand’‘ by August 31, 2004 was a falsehood;

the Garda authorities did supply a report, but McDowell failed to follow through on it, and the recent announcement of a further request for a report is a falsehood, designed to cover up his previous inaction, or

this new request for a report from the Garda authorities is a subterfuge to cover up past inaction and buy time.

Wouldn’t it be nice to know which of these explanations applies?

sbpost@iol.ie

McBrearty civil action

Sunday Business Post

McBrearty to sue as state apology falls short

26 June 2005
By Barry O’Kelly

The civil action over the Donegal Garda corruption scandal is set to go ahead after a state apology fell short of the expectations of victim Frank McBrearty junior.

The apology said that McBrearty was the victim of “appalling and disgraceful conduct by members of An Garda Siochána’‘.

The letter, sent last Monday, was issued on behalf of justice minister Michael McDowell, Garda Commissioner Noel Conroy, the Attorney General and the state.

However, the document, signed by the Chief State Solicitor, implies that the state will not concede liability for the discredited confession statement attributed to McBrearty.

In the statement, McBrearty confessed to a murder that never happened, the death of Richie Barron in 1996.

All five pathologists who examined the case have concluded that Barron died in a hit-and-run accident.

The Morris Tribunal found three weeks ago that McBrearty and his family were the victims of conspiracy by named gardai.

The letter sent to McBrearty’s lawyers said: “I am thus authorised on behalf of the defendants to apologise to you for the offending conduct by such members of An Garda Siochána as found by Mr Justice Morris in his second interim report.

“I am also authorised to express regret for the same and the injury, damage and distress to which your client has thereby been exposed over a substantial period of time.”

In response, McBrearty’s lawyers wrote back saying that he was “disgusted to realise that, when the defendants came to finally ‘admit liability’, they have done so in such a conditional and supine manner as to remove its supposed benefit’‘.

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