SAOIRSE32

7/9/2005

Bullets sent to home

Daily Ireland

Connla Young

A Protestant man has had two bullets delivered to his home after helping a Catholic neighbour at the centre of a sectarian campaign of intimidation in Co Antrim.
It is understood the Protestant man received the bullets after foiling a petrol bomb attack on the home of Catholic woman Kathleen McCaughey who was forced to flee her Ahoghill home by loyalists in July.
Speaking to Daily Ireland last night, Mrs McCaughey confirmed that her neighbour was determined to leave the area after the incident, which was not reported to the PSNI.
“I received no help from the UUP or DUP or anyone living near me except for this man and this is how he has been treated. People around me were warned not to help.”
News of the threat comes as the erection of sectarian posters in a Co Antrim town threatening Catholic residents has been compared to the actions of the Ku Klux Klan in the US.
The posters, which appeared throughout the village of Ahoghill, near Ballymena, last weekend, threatened to put an “end to republican, nationalist and Roman influences within our community”.
Tension among Catholic residents living in the loyalist town is rising ahead of a 30-band loyalist parade scheduled to take place tonight.
In the past two months, three Catholic families have been forced to flee Ahoghill after their homes were targeted in paint and petrol bomb attacks.
The poster, which carries the heading ‘statement by the loyalist people of Ahoghill’, accuses the British government of pandering to “republican demands” and says: “The time has come to end all capitulation and raise awareness of the imbalance shown to republican groups”.
Sinn Féin MLA for north Antrim Philip McGuigan described the development as “sinister”.
He said: “It is a statement one would imagine coming from the likes of the Ku Klux Klan.
“It is completely unacceptable that the perpetrators of the ethnic cleansing of Ahoghill should attempt to find excuses for themselves and their actions.
“One wonders how many people living in Ahoghill agree with the sentiments in the posters.”
Since the beginning of July there have been several dozen attacks on Catholic owned properties in the wider Ballymena area.
In total, five Catholic churches and a number of schools have been targeted by paint and fire bombers.
Last week the PSNI was forced to mount an armed guard at the gates of several Catholic churches and schools in the area over heightened fears of loyalist attack.
The recently erected loyalist posters are being seen by many as an attempt to intimidate the remaining few Catholics left in the staunchly loyalist village.
The poster also refers to a recent dissident republican statement threatening action unless the attacks on Catholic homes are halted. In a sinister turn the poster warns: “They would need to consider the consequences for all outlying areas if as much as one family in Ahoghill is targeted by these renegades. We will defend our culture in Ahoghill no matter what cost this incurs and reserve the right to be proactive in doing so.”
DUP Ballymena councillor Roy Gillespie, who lives close to Ahoghill, says he hasn’t seen the poster.
“I’ll wait until I have seen it before I comment but I will say this, I would not do unto others as I would not have done unto myself - I would treat other people as I would like to be treated.”
The poster threat comes after unionist politicians threw out a Sinn Féin motion condemning recent violence in the Ballymena area and calling for a council-sponsored forum to be set up in a bid to tackle the scourge of sectarianism in the borough.
A spokesperson for the PSNI said it had not received any reports about the posters.

Irish no longer necessary to join Gardaí

BreakingNews.ie

07/09/2005 - 15:39:38

The Government today announced changes in the recruitment procedures of trainee gardaí.

The Irish language will become an option rather than a compulsory requirement. Candidates wishing to enter the force must have a Leaving Certificate qualification or its equivalent in two languages. One of these two languages must be Irish or English.

The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Michael McDowell said the changes were being made to open recruitment to ethnic communities wishing to join the force.

Non-nationals wishing to join the Gardaí will have to be legally resident in Ireland for five years before joining, while EU nationals will now be eligible to join.

Ballad of the Rossport five

Belfast Telegraph

It is David versus Goliath as residents of Mayo try to halt Shell’s efforts to bring Ireland’s gas ashore. They say the oil giant’s plans are unsafe - and five protesters are now in jail. David McKittrick reports

07 September 2005

“Come all ye who love liberty, and listen to my tale,
Concerning honest Rossport men, now languishing in jail,
Because they stood up for their rights,
and would not bend the knee,
To the mighty Shell - who can go to hell,
if they won’t go out to sea!”

The men held in Ireland’s Cloverhill prison now have not only their own title - the Rossport Five - but their own ballad as well, which lauds their gallantry and decries the energy giant Shell as an “ignoble predator”.

Energy development can often generate controversy but the issue of a new gas pipeline in north Mayo, a beautiful and unspoilt part of Ireland’s western seaboard, has turned into a bitter and protracted struggle.

On one side is the Irish government and Shell, who are both intent on making the most of a large underground gasfield 40 miles off the Co Mayo coast.

The Corrib field is 237 million years old and lies more than 3,000 metres beneath the seabed. Its discovery in 1996 was welcomed as a significant new source of energy, and the government happily struck deals with Shell and other companies for its exploitation.

In international terms the field is classified as small to medium, but since this means it contains a bit under one trillion cubic feet of gas it was seen as a highly welcome addition to Irish resources.

Detailed and complex plans for bringing the gas ashore were drawn up, all subject to government approval and various stages of planning permission. There was plenty time for local consultation. Yet somewhere along the line the whole process went pear-shaped, in a classic example of how an enterprise can be favoured by cosmopolitan Dublin yet can arouse opposition in the rural west.

The government was content with Shell’s plans but people around Rossport, where the pipeline is to come ashore from the Atlantic, lodged strenuous objections. They claimed Shell was riding roughshod over their wishes, ruining the landscape and installing a dangerously experimental new system. All of this is strongly denied by Shell, which insisted it was adhering to the most rigorous standards of safety and co-operating closely with the Dublin authorities.

Now a determined pressure group has sprung up, campaigning at home and abroad for support in what it characterises as a David and Goliath struggle. The most determined of all are the Rossport Five, the local men who have been jailed indefinitely for contempt of court over their opposition to Shell’s plans. Yesterday they spent their 70th day behind bars.

As the morass deepened all work on the project has ceased. The five would be released if they purged their contempt and promised not to interfere with work on the pipeline, but they have refused to do so. The anti-pipeline campaign has a credible set of martyrs in the five, Micheal O’Seighin, Vincent McGrath, his brother Philip, Willie Corduff and Brendan Philbin. These are, by universal consent, not born troublemakers: three of them are small farmers, living on bogland, while two are retired teachers.

A man who visited one of them in jail said: “I knew I was in the presence of somebody who had backbone. That is a scarce commodity and when somebody stands up like that we all have a responsibility to stand with them. ”

Their campaign has won the support of others who agitate in other fields. One contributor at a Dublin protest meeting enthused: “It’s good to see everybody from every left-wing and liberal group in Dublin here.”

But the five are no serial malcontents: they are viewed as principled stalwart country men, described by one local as “really very strong people, men of great character, part of a community revolt against Shell” .

Rossport is one of those areas, to be found in the west of Ireland, where dramatic views and spectacular beaches exist off the usual tourist trail. In the words of Brid O’Seighin, daughter of one of the imprisoned men: ” It’s an isolated part of north Mayo, quiet and rural, not visited by many tourists - or indeed by many politicians either for that matter. It’s a beautiful part of the country with clean, sweeping beaches.

“I love living there. Everything was absolutely grand until Shell arrived, that was five years ago. Shell moved in with jeeps and trucks and diggers and all the destruction started.”

Any such project is bound to have an effect on the environment, especially in such an idyllically unspoilt area. The exacerbating factor in north Mayo, however, is that most in the area believe it will receive no particular advantage from the project, even though it has an overall costing of €900m (£610m).

The gas is scheduled to run through the area to an onshore refinery where it will be processed and then run through to the national grid. Campaigners claim the refinery will provide only a handful of jobs, and that gas in Mayo will be no cheaper than anywhere else in the country. “There is absolutely no local or regional benefit,” insisted a campaigner. ” We get all of the trouble and no advantages.”

Shell presents the project as being of strategic national importance to the overall Irish economy. It describes it as one of the largest-ever private inward investments in the country, with the potential to supply 60 per cent of Irish gas needs.

But the sharpest and most acute issue of the campaign is that of risk. In most cases, the gas from undersea fields is refined and treated at sea or at the shoreline before being piped inland. In the case of the Corrib field the refinery is to be sited six miles inland.The authorities have given Shell permission to run its pipeline across the property of several dozen landowners. Most have consented, though some say they regret doing so.

Te Rossport Five went to jail in June for refusing to stop breaching a court order restraining the obstruction of the work. They claimed the pipeline was designed to take pressures of 345 bar, which is about four times as high as a normal gas supply line.

In addition to pressure, the five maintain that untreated gas straight from the sea is more dangerous than refined gas, claiming there have been lethal explosions in other countries.

One of the five told the court the pipeline was 70 metres from his home and he was “living in fear” for his safety. Another said he was stressed and not sleeping at night. Shell took out orders for their committal, and they have been in prison ever since.

The protesters have founded the Shell to Sea campaign, highlighting the demand that the company should treat the gas before piping it ashore. Perhaps that would defuse the controversy but it would also cost Shell millions, and the company is set against the idea.

Shell argues that safety standards are high, a spokesman saying yesterday that the pipeline would be three times as thick as others and, though it could, it would never carry pressures as high as 345 bar. He added: ” What matters in terms of pipeline safety is how well designed, constructed, operated and maintained the pipeline is. It is designed and will be built and operated to world-class standards.”

The campaigners face a formidable array of forces, most obviously the partnership between the Irish government and Shell. Very large sums of money are at stake. Yet their crusade has produced deep historical resonances for many Irish people. One of its first rallies, for instance, was in Castlebar, where a century and a quarter ago, the Land League was formed to take on landlords. “I hadn’t expected it,” said a local man interested in history, “but the speakers made a surprising number of references to the league.”

The campaign has also, whether consciously or not, taken on a significance which has lifted it from a local issue centring on safety and the environment to a much wider stand. A woman who visited one of the five men said he told her: “This is much bigger than us being in prison and it’s not about us getting out of prison. It’s about what kind of country we want to live in.”

The woman proclaimed to a rally: “This touches on everything from environment, health and safety to political corruption and the whole question of democracy. They are the burning issues that people are constantly coming up against in this country.”

The campaign is certainly tapping into some existing concerns. Although the Fianna Fail party is the most popular in the Irish Republic and heads the present government, some of its major figures have been tainted by previous corruption scandals. A previous energy minister, Ray Burke, has served time behind bars for personal corruption. There is absolutely no evidence linking Shell and corruption, but there is a generalised Irish distrust of multinationals.

The campaign received a boost in recent months when it was revealed that consultants brought in by the government were not independent, as had been claimed, and in fact had connections with Shell. Criticisms of the juxtaposition of the party and the company draw much applause at the protest meetings, for example when Brid O’Seighin lambasts “the state-corporate two-step”. Another campaigner, Maura Harrington, raised laughs when she asked: “Would you buy a high-pressure gas pipeline from that crowd?”

Relations between the Rossport campaign and Shell are now terrible. Either the five men or the company could make moves that might start to defuse the dispute but much pride is involved. Contributions at meetings are peppered with indignation, with Shell and the authorities blamed not just for alleged risks and physical damage but also for their allegedly insulting conduct of the whole affair. One campaigner said: “It’s the insult to the people of north Mayo, an insult to people and place,” said one campaigner. ” It shows the disrespect they have for the men of the area.”

Shell adopted a conciliatory tone yesterday. “We want to see the men out of prison and returned to their families,” said a company spokesman. “We are greatly concerned that they have been totally misled about the safety of the pipeline and while their fears are real, the basis for them is not.

“We believe that what is needed most at this time is calm and reasoned dialogue between Shell and the landowners. We would like to use such an opportunity to put all the facts before them.

“It’s a difficult situation for all, especially for the families of the men; we are all trying hard to find a solution,” he added.

The campaign has generated much support but has not actually swept the country and has yet to put Shell under enough pressure to force a climbdown. But it has been a public relations setback for the company, and for the moment work has been stopped. The dispute will not be easily settled, for an agreed outcome will need to reconcile commercial concerns and the determined stance of men who have become the pride of Mayo.

Durkan clashes with Hain over UVF

BBC


Mark Durkan led the delegation at the Stormont talks

SDLP leader Mark Durkan has clashed with the Northern Ireland Secretary over the state of the UVF ceasefire.

Mr Durkan, in a reference to UVF violence, claimed Peter Hain had “literally let the paramilitaries get away with murder this summer”.

He said the failure of the government to declare the UVF ceasefire invalid was “unacceptable”.

Mr Hain, however, said he would not be rushed into “any quick-fix judgements” on the ceasefire.

He said his main concern was stopping the “murder, crime and violence”.

“You don’t necessarily do that by quick procedural fixes. They are an option and I will consider all the options, including the question of specification,” he said.

Mr Durkan had earlier led an SDLP delegation to discuss recent riots and loyalist violence with Mr Hain.

The Independent Monitoring Commission has forwarded a special report on the loyalist feud to the government.

The outlawed UVF has been linked to four recent murders as well as rioting in north Belfast.

It was blamed after petrol bombs, bricks and bottles were hurled at police and vehicles set on fire in the loyalist Woodvale area on Monday.

The government has come under pressure to “specify” the organisation, which would mean a statement that it no longer recognised its ceasefire.

‘Indifference’

At a meeting with the IMC on Friday, SDLP assembly member Dolores Kelly said her party had urged that an IMC report on the ceasefire be published earlier than the planned date of mid-October.

“The main thrust of the meeting was the UVF ceasefire that doesn’t exist and everyone else seems to be ignoring it,” she said, adding that her party was pressing for immediate action.

In a recent interview, Mr Durkan accused the secretary of state of acting with “indifference” towards the UVF ceasefire.

In July, Mr Hain said he intended to withhold the PUP’s assembly allowances for another year.

The decision followed the latest report from the paramilitary ceasefire watchdog, which said the UVF and Red Hand Commando remained active, violent and involved in organised crime.

The IMC was set up by the British and Irish governments in January 2004.

It was seen as a crucial element of the two governments’ plans for restoring devolution, which was suspended in October 2002 amid allegations of IRA intelligence gathering at the Northern Ireland Office.

McAleese cancels Shankill visit

BBC


Irish President Mary McAleese was to have visited a Shankill school

Irish President Mary McAleese has abandoned plans to visit the loyalist Shankill in west Belfast because of recent rioting in the area.

A spokeswoman for the president said Thursday’s visit to Edenbrooke Primary School has now been rearranged.

The president will meet school pupils and staff at a Belfast hotel instead.

President McAleese is going ahead with her courtesy call on the NI chief constable and a visit to a school in the city’s Taughmonagh estate.

She is also due to visit a school and a care centre on the Ravenhill Road in Belfast.

Ms McAleese’s decision to cancel her Shankill visit follows recent unrest in the area in which police, fire crews and cars have been attacked with petrol bombs and other missiles.

“There is going to be a change to the Edenbrooke visit because of the overall security situation in north Belfast,” her spokesperson said.

“However, President McAleese will be meeting them during her visit.”

It is the second time she has cancelled a visit to the Shankill area.


Riots in Belfast have led to the cancellation of a second visit

In January, a planned visit, including a trip to Edenbrooke Primary School, did not go ahead after some of her comments caused controversy.

Mrs McAleese said children in Northern Ireland were taught to hate Catholics in the same way Nazis taught theirs to despise Jews.

She later said she was “deeply sorry” for the offence her remarks caused, but some unionists were not mollified.

Meanwhile, a meeting which is going ahead on Thursday with Chief Constable Hugh Orde at police headquarters in Belfast has sparked criticism from the DUP.

Ian Paisley Jr said Thursday’s meeting, which was not raised with the Policing Board, was “highly political”.

Mr Paisley said the chief constable had no operational requirement to report to Mrs McAleese, who is from Belfast.

He also said the meeting was “choreographed to help the IRA at a time when their statement has fallen on deaf ears”.

‘Building bridges’

Mr Paisley added: “All sense of protocol has been abandoned and all to assist a visit by someone who has done her best to insult the majority of people here by likening them to Nazis.”

But fellow Policing Board member, Alex Attwood of the SDLP, said it was time to move on as the president had apologised for her remarks.

“Most people know she got it wrong and then she got it right by apologising and cancelling her visit.

“I think those people in the Shankill will see it that way.”

A PSNI spokesperson said they would not be responding to Mr Paisley’s comments.

Inaugurated as the Irish head of state in 1997, Mary McAleese is the first president to come from Northern Ireland and is now in her second term of office.

Talks to focus on UVF and rioting

BBC

Recent trouble in north Belfast and the UVF ceasefire are expected to be the focus of talks between the SDLP and Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain.

Party leader Mark Durkan will lead the delegation, which will also discuss the prospect of political progress.

The Independent Monitoring Commission has forwarded a special report on a loyalist feud to the government.

The outlawed UVF has been linked to four recent murders as well as rioting in north Belfast on Monday.

It was blamed after petrol bombs, bricks and bottles were hurled at police and vehicles set on fire in the loyalist Woodvale area on Monday.

The government has come under pressure to “specify” the organisation, which would mean a statement that it no longer recognises its ceasefire.

‘Indifference’

At a meeting with the IMC on Friday, SDLP assembly member Dolores Kelly said her party had urged that an IMC report on the ceasefire be published earlier than the planned date of mid-October.

“The main thrust of the meeting was the UVF ceasefire that doesn’t exist and everyone else seems to be ignoring it,” she said, adding that her party was pressing for immediate action.

In a recent interview, Mr Durkan accused the secretary of state of acting with “indifference” towards the UVF ceasefire.

In July, Mr Hain said he intended to withhold the PUP’s assembly allowances for another year.

The decision followed the latest report from the paramilitary ceasefire watchdog, which said the UVF and Red Hand Commando remained active, violent and involved in organised crime.

The IMC was set up by the British and Irish governments in January 2004.

It was seen as a crucial element of the two governments’ plans for restoring devolution, which was suspended in October 2002 amid allegations of IRA intelligence gathering at the Northern Ireland Office.

McAleese-Orde meeting ‘political’

BBC


Irish President Mary McAleese is to meet Sir Hugh Orde

The DUP has criticised Chief Constable Sir Hugh Orde’s decision to meet Irish President Mary McAleese at police headquarters in Belfast.

Ian Paisley Jr said Thursday’s meeting, which was not raised with the Policing Board, was “highly political”.

Mr Paisley said the chief constable had no operational requirement to report to Mrs McAleese, who is from Belfast.

He said the meeting was “choreographed to help the IRA at a time when their statement has fallen on deaf ears”.

Mr Paisley added: “All sense of protocol has been abandoned and all to assist a visit by someone who has done her best to insult the majority of people here by likening them to Nazis.

“The chief constable ought to explain why he is meeting the Dublin president. For what purpose is he meeting the head of a foreign state?

“Is the security minister accompanying him?”

A PSNI spokesperson said they would not be responding to Mr Paisley’s comments.

The spokesperson confirmed that President McAleese would meet Sir Hugh Orde and other members of the PSNI “during a courtesy visit”.

‘Controversy’

The meeting comes on the day that Ms McAleese is due to visit the loyalist Shankill area of west Belfast.

She cancelled plans to visit the area, including a trip to Edenbrooke Primary School last year, after some of her comments caused controversy.

Ms McAleese sparked outrage after saying children in Northern Ireland were taught to hate Catholics in the same way Nazis taught theirs to despise Jews.

She made the comments before attending ceremonies marking 60 years since Auschwitz was liberated.

She later said she was “deeply sorry” for the offence her remarks caused, but some unionists were not mollified.

Inaugurated as the Irish head of state in 1997, Mary McAleese is the first president to come from Northern Ireland and is now in her second term of office.

Parade re-routing sparks protest

BBC


Protesters were watched by small number of police

Residents and members of the Orange Order blocked the Springfield Road in west Belfast for about two hours in protest at the re-routing of a parade.

The Order postponed its Whiterock parade in June after being barred from Workman Avenue and told to go through the former Mackies factory site.

The parade has been re-scheduled for Saturday but has also been restricted.

The protesters have now left but said daily blockades would continue until Orangemen get their preferred route.

Protesters said their demonstration was peaceful and they did not stop pedestrians from walking down the road.

A number of them told the BBC they were members of the Orange Order.

One of the 20 protesters said feelings were running high about the parade.

“People on the greater Shankill are just boiling,” said the man, who did not want to be identified.

“We are not taking this no longer on this road. The residents of the Ardoyne come out and riot and get what they want.

“We come out as a peaceful protest. We’ll see what happens.”


Protesters are angry at Orange parade re-routing

The police told protesters it was an illegal blockade and asked them to move. The protest ended at about 0930 BST.

However, Sinn Fein councillor Tom Hartley accused protesters of trying to “heighten tensions” by creating chaos.

“If the Orange Order want to march through areas where the local community does not want them then at the very least they have an obligation to enter into real and meaningful dialogue.”

SDLP councillor Tim Attwood said: “The hypocrisy of those responsible for organising and taking part in this road block is breathtaking.

Security meeting

“The mentality seems to be that it is a crime to re route an orange parade even though the decision is in the best interests of the community but it is perfectly fine to expect the people travelling from across the north to seek an alternative route to work on a Wednesday morning.”

On Saturday, a delegation from the DUP met Security Minister Shaun Woodward to discuss the Parades Commission ruling.

DUP MP Nigel Dodds described the talks as “intense” and described the Parades Commission decision as “misguided.”

The initial parade, which was planned for June, and had been opposed by nationalist Springfield Road residents.

In its determination on the parade, the commission cited “a possible adverse effect on community relations” if the march was allowed on the Order’s preferred route.

The Parades Commission was set up in 1997 to make decisions on whether or not restrictions should be imposed on controversial parades during Northern Ireland’s marching season.

‘Punishment Beatings Not The Way Forward’- Say IRSP

Derry Journal

Tuesday 6th September 2005

Calls have been made for a community restorative justice scheme to be established in Galliagh in response to an ongoing spate of antisocial activity in the area. The Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP) say they have been ‘inundated’ with calls from residents in the Derry estate demanding that action is taken to curb joyriding as well as drug and drink related problems which have left the community living in fear.
“The IRSP are determined to take the lead in dealing with this problem. We have been patrolling the estate engaging with the young people who are behind the anti-social activity and we will also be approaching their parents, asking them to take some responsibility for their sons and daughters,” IRSP spokesman Thomas Dickson said. However, he stressed that ‘ punishment beatings’ or any form of ‘ brutalisation’ was not the way forward. “The situation in Galliagh and other estates across Derry has reached a critical point, people are disillusioned and want strong action to be taken,” Mr. Dickson said. “We believe the way to deal with this is to set up a community restorative justice programme in conjunction with Teach Na Failte who are already involved in such work in the area.
“We must work with the young people and show them that their activities are damaging their community.” Teach Na Failte have also called on the Housing Executive to provide premises in Galliagh which they say are vital to the project.
“While there are a number of community groups in the estate, their services are only available from 9.00am to 5.00pm and it’s ‘after hours’ and at the weekends that most antisocial activity takes place,” a spokesperson said. “If we had a facility we could offer drink and drugs counselling and other services for the young people which would go a long way towards curbing anti-social activity as well as providing employment for ex-prisoners. However, the Housing Executive have yet to provide these essential premises despite the obvious need on the estate.” When contacted a spokesperson for the Housing Executive said they would be willing to meet with representatives of the group to discuss the issue.

Colombia Three – A Damning Case

www.dannymorrison.ie

By DANNY MORRISON

In a flawed but open court, attended by international monitors, where evidence was heard and witnesses cross-examined, the Colombia Three were acquitted of all of the charges of training the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) by Judge Jairo Acosta in August 2004. Before they were released, however, Colombia’s attorney-general, Luis Camilo Osorio, launched an appeal against their acquittal.

The men, Jim Monaghan, Niall Connolly and Martin McAuley, had been arrested in August 2001 by the military at Bogotá’s El Dorado Airport using genuine passports, but which had not been legitimately applied for in their own names. They had just come from the ‘demilitarised zone’ in southern Colombia which the government had conceded to FARC during peace negotiations.

FARC policy – before the breakdown in negotiations in February 2002, six months after the men were in custody – was to openly invite foreigners into this area. Visitors included government envoys, ambassadors and journalists. Others included the late Mo Mowlam, a Papal envoy, the Queen of Jordan, the deputy head of the New York Stock Exchange and the three Irish men.

The Colombian military initially informed the U.S. embassy of the arrests and it sent an untrained embassy official, Anthony Hall, to conduct unauthorised forensic tests on the three men’s personal effects. Because of his claim that they showed traces of drugs and explosives the men were imprisoned. However, a second set of forensic tests carried out by Colombian forensic experts with judicial authorisation proved negative and found absolutely no trace of drugs or explosives.

The men were initially charged with passport offences. Four weeks after their detention al Qaeda attacked the US on September 11 th and the Colombian authorities then began claiming a major connection between FARC and the IRA and appealed to the US for more military aid in the “international fight against terrorism” as it prepared to renew hostilities against FARC.

The three men were held in El Modelo prison under extreme conditions and their lives were continually at risk. Two months previously, in clashes between left-wing revolutionaries and right-wing paramilitaries, ten prisoners lost their lives. Two years earlier 212 inmates were killed – 131 were shot dead by guards and others were stabbed or lynched by their opponents with some of their bodies being dumped in the sewers.

Before and during the trial of the three Irish men two Colombian Presidents, the Attorney-General and military spokespersons set out to ensure the men faced a fait accompli by continually referring to their guilt, and prejudicing their chances of an acquittal, in speeches, newspaper interviews and at US Congressional hearings.

The trial itself proved something of a farce with prosecution witnesses initially refusing to testify. Their testimony, when it was given, was rubbished. An alleged FARC deserter claimed to have seen the men training guerrillas on dates in 1999 and 2000. Lawyers for the defendants produced evidence that the men were elsewhere. For example, Jim Monaghan had been filmed speaking at a conference in Belfast. Niall Connolly was proven to have been translating at an Irish Embassy dinner in Havana, Cuba. The US embassy official, Anthony Hall, was not called to give evidence.

In relation to the allegation that the IRA had passed on its technology to FARC the court heard from one of the foremost forensic scientists in Britain, Dr Keith Borer, who in the past has acted in prosecution cases against Irish republicans in British trials. In Bogota Borer testified, “that the weaponry used by the IRA and FARC are vastly different, having to do with the diameter of the mortars, the different types of propellants used and different types of detonating devices.”

He concluded that FARC weaponry was of a much more sophisticated nature than the IRA’s.

The men pleaded guilty to a passports offence and in statements to the court explained that because of harassment Irish republicans (two of them, Jim Monaghan and Martin McAuley are former prisoners) often travelled under false documentation. They had gone to Colombia to study the peace process, they said.

In the last thirty years thousands of people have falsely applied for Irish and British passports for a variety of reasons. Many young Irish people did so in order that they could enter and work in the USA. Republican escapees have used false passports to enter and settle in other countries. Having been denied a visa to the USA I was once arrested trying to cross the border from Canada using Polish ID simply to speak at an Irish NORAID function. So, there is nothing necessarily subversive about travelling under a false passport.

In August 2004 the Colombia Three were acquitted of the most serious charges and found guilty of using false passports. Having served time on remand the men were released but the Colombian government lodged an appeal.

The appeal was heard in private before three judges. The lawyers of the men were not allowed any representation – only the Attorney-General’s office. At the end of this secret hearing the men were found guilty of training FARC and sentenced to 17 years imprisonment. One of the three, Judge Jorge Enrique Torres, later said, “I was overwhelmed by the countless amount of technical evidence used in this case that was questionable.” None of the evidence gave a ‘certainty’ that they had been training FARC, he said.

By then the Colombia Three had escaped and a few weeks ago emerged safe and sound in Ireland. Unionists, Fine Gael, the Progressive Democrats and reactionary sections of the media were united in their anger, outrage and in their demands.

The brutality of the Colombian government, its collaboration with right-wing death squads, the murders of journalists and trade unionists, the corruption of its judicial process, have all been set aside. As far as they are concerned the Colombia Three either should voluntarily go back to Colombia, should be forced to go back by Sinn Fein, should be arrested and extradited back to Colombia (even though – and for good moral and legal reasons – there is no extradition treaty) or should be forced to serve 17 years in Ireland.

The reactions are telling about the values of those parties and their spokespersons.

Colombia features regularly in damning reports by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch in relation to human rights abuses. One pro-government death squad killed 200 people and displaced 10,000. It invaded El Salado village and over two days tortured, garrotted, stabbed, decapitated, and shot residents. Witnesses told investigators that they tied one six-year-old girl to a pole and suffocated her with a plastic bag. One woman was reportedly gang-raped. While these atrocities were being carried out, the Colombian navy’s First Brigade maintained roadblocks around El Salado that prevented the International Committee of the Red Cross and others from entering.

Michael McDowell, the Republic’s Minister for Justice, is seeking ways to return the Colombia Three into the arms of Colombia’s Attorney General, Luis Camilo Osorio. The first thing Osorio did upon taking office was to fire the prosecutors who had indicted General Rito Alejo del Rio on charges of collusion with paramilitary death squads. He absolved del Rio of all crimes. Osorio announced, “No longer will human rights organisations dictate who we investigate.”

In prison the Colombia Three were threatened with death and there was a strong possibility that they would have been murdered, as were other inmates.

Those who call for them to be forcibly returned to jail are well aware of that. They are full of hate and blind to reason when it comes to discussing justice for Irish republicans. They would have sent Paul Hill back to jail or the Birmingham Six had they escaped and sought refuge in Ireland.

But they are powerless in this case, thank God. So they better get used to seeing Jim Monaghan, Martin McAuley and Niall Connolly dandering around the streets of Dublin!

Double trouble: PSNI FAILS TO CONFRONT LOYALISTS WHO RIOTED FOR FOUR HOURS

Daily Ireland

Connla Young

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Two PSNI officers involved in a weekend confrontation with nationalists in a Co Antrim town are already under investigation by the Police Ombudsman’s office.
The two officers were reported to Nuala O’Loan’s office in December 2003 after a north Antrim man complained he had been the victim of a campaign of intimidation involving the two officers.
Cushendall man Donald O’Reilly claimed he had been the subject of PSNI harassment on almost a dozen occasions in the last three years.
Last night Mr O’Reilly said the two officers under investigation had been involved when PSNI members baton-charged a number of local people and doused them with CS gas.
Mr O’Reilly said the Police Ombudsman’s Office should be called in to probe the conduct of both PSNI men already under investigation as well as other PSNI members involved in the confrontation.
“I was there when this incident took place and I couldn’t believe it when I saw these two officers in the middle of it all,” he said.
“These men shouldn’t be on duty in this town when they are the subject of an investigation here. I took an audio recording of the incident during which the two officers were identified. The tape is currently with my solicitor.
“When I wouldn’t hand the tape over to the PSNI, I was attacked with a baton and had CS gas sprayed on me.
“Now I find myself in a position that I have to lodge a second complaint against these PSNI men with the Police Ombudsman’s Office before the first investigation is even resolved.”
Residents have complained of an unusually high number of PSNI patrols in the Cushendall area on Saturday. The trouble is understood to have begun after several PSNI men, including the two under investigation, became involved in a verbal confrontation with a group of local people over attacks on Catholics in Ahoghill.
Moyle District Council chairman Oliver McMullan complained of being struck during the incident after he tried to protect a local man being beaten by three PSNI officers as the man lay on the ground.
The Sinn Féin man confirmed that he too was in the process of preparing a complaint to be lodged with the Police Ombudsman’s Office.
A PSNI spokesperson said three officers had been injured during the weekend disturbance. The spokesperson added: “If anyone has a genuine cause for complaint concerning the actions of any officer, they should contact the Police Ombudsman.”






















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