SAOIRSE32

23/10/2005

Cops in new search for Lisa’s body

Sunday Life

By Stephen Breen
23 October 2005

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COPS will conduct new searches for the body of murdered Bangor woman, Lisa Dorrian, this week, Sunday Life can reveal.

It’s believed the searches will focus on Loughs, an artificial lake and bogland in the Ards Peninsula.

We also understand efforts to locate the 25-year-old’s body were stepped up in recent weeks, with a number of searches already undertaken.

Since Lisa’s disappearance from a party at a Ballyhalbert caravan site, on February 28, police have conducted searches on land, sea and air.

Although cops received new information after a BBC Crimewatch appeal, they have been unable to locate Lisa’s body.

The latest police searches have been welcomed by Lisa’s tmother, Patricia.

Said Mrs Dorrian: “We know the police have been searching for Lisa’s body in the last number of weeks, and they have been keeping us informed.

“We didn’t want to say anything about it because we just wanted the police to get on with doing their job.

“There are obviously things they can’t tell us, but it’s fair to say that there will be more searches next week.

“We are just hoping and praying that the police will be able to locate my daughter’s body. The last eight month’s have been terrible.

“My family will also be meeting Assistant Chief Constable, Sam Kincaid, next week, to discuss their investigation.

“We are pleading with anyone with the slightest bit of information to come forward and help end our nightmare.”

Mrs Dorrian also revealed that singer Brian Kennedy is to support her family’s campaign.

She said: “We are having a remembrance service for Lisa, on November 4, and Brian Kennedy is playing a concert the following day. We would like him to wear a blue ribbon in Lisa’s memory.

“We want to get as many celebrities as possible to support our campaign and raise awareness of my daughter’s murder.

“We have already had support from Donny Osmond and Shane Lynch.”

A police spokesman said: “The investigation is continuing to deploy search teams on the basis of information received by the inquiry team.”

sbreen@belfasttelegraph.co.uk

Into The Dark: Confessions of a terror chief

Sunday Life

How big mouth Adair talked himself into jail

By Johnston Brown
23 October 2005

He fought to put terrorist killers like Johnny Adair behind bars and was the victim of dirty tricks from sinister elements inside the RUC’s Special Branch. Now former top CID detective Johnston Brown has written a gripping account of his career. Adapted by Sunday Life’s Stephen Gordon from Into The Dark: 30 Years In The RUC…

GETTING Johnny Adair to talk wasn’t a problem for former top RUC detective Johnston Brown.

“The problem was getting him to shut up!” mused the ex-cop, whose cunning and bravery led to ‘Mad Dog’ being caged.

“Once he started, Johnny would just run off at the mouth.”

Incredibly, cocky Adair would regularly chat to Det Sgt Brown about the most recent murderous attacks carried by his Shankill Road UFF ‘C’ company gang.

Adair was incriminating himself - and would pay the price with a 16-year jail sentence for directing terrorism.

But he wasn’t the first terrorist to be lured into making a fool of himself by the wily detective.

In Into the Dark, Brown says: “There are a lot of men who languished in Ulster’s prisons for years because they made the mistake of trusting me. Men who were responsible for many of the most heinous crimes in the Troubles. I am proud of that.”

Det Sgt Brown sometimes called at Adair’s Boundary Way home twice a day for a chat and a cup of tea. Sometimes it was as little as twice a month, depending on how he gauged the volatile UDA godfather’s mood.

He played on Adair’s vanity, flattering him about how successful he was in avoiding arrest. He also conned him into believing that he was doing him occasional favours.

Brown is particularly pleased with how he tricked Adair into believing he got his wife Gina off a drink-driving charge, after the terrorist pleaded for help.

“When I did a check, it turned out that Gina’s sample reading was under the legal limit. But I let on to Adair that I’d swung it, that I’d got the lab to produce a false reading. Johnny fell for it hook, line and sinker. He was very grateful.”

Adair became so relaxed in Brown’s company that he took the CID man’s presence in his home for granted, although other UDA men weren’t so comfortable.

“One in particular got very agitated,” recalled Brown.

“He shouted: ‘What’s he doing here? Get him out of here.’

“Adair shouted back: ‘You get the f*** out, he’s more welcome in here than you are.’”

But Adair was in for a shock.

Brown never wore a microphone to tape any of his conversations. He wrote up notes afterwards and compared them with scenes of crime reports from the incidents Adair described.

Adair had blurted out damning details that only someone with an intimate knowledge of the operations could have known. Among the incidents was a UFF takeover of a house in west Belfast, where the loyalist gang posed as IRA men as they held a family hostage.

Brown is saving many details of his ’sting’ on Adair for another book solely about that operation.

But in Into The Dark, he tells how putting Mad Dog behind bars brought terrifying consequences for both him and his family, as these exclusive extracts reveal.

JOHNNY Adair knew he would be humiliated if I gave evidence against him in a courtroom packed with UFF men.

The loyalist godfather pleaded guilty in 1995 to a charge of directing terrorism after I made the second of two statements, which effectively sealed his fate.

Adair had read enough into those statements to realise I could demonstrate to the court he had incriminated himself by running off at the mouth so often that he would look like a complete fool.

My CID partner, Trevor McIlwrath, and I knew that he was not afraid of any other aspect of the evidence presented against him.

He realised by the time I had finished with him, the UFF wouldn’t have given him a job washing dishes.

I was not there on the day he pleaded guilty at Belfast Crown Court and received a 16-year jail sentence. My bosses took the view that my presence in the courtroom would cause a riot.

Adair shouted abuse about me from the dock. He left the police in no doubt that the “good men” of ‘C’ company would “deal with me”.

I was under no illusion as to what exactly he meant by that. Adair’s tendency to hold a grudge until he could get his own back was legendary. But it was 1995, and Adair had just begun a long sentence. I was due to retire in April 2007.

I thought I would be long gone and forgotten before he ever became a threat to me again. How wrong I was.

I had not bargained on the Good Friday Agreement, which led to the release of Johnny Adair and hundreds of prisoners like him from both sides of the political divide.

When Adair was released in 1999, he immediately set about regrouping his old ‘C’ company. But he had no war to go back to.

He couldn’t use his men to launch attacks upon Catholics in the same way as he had done before his incarceration.

So, he turned his interests to drug dealing and prostitution.

Sources reported his criminal activities to us on a regular basis. Then he broke the golden rule and started to use the drugs he was peddling. He became paranoid. He trusted no-one.

He rounded on his former friends and associates, and turned them out of the Shankill.

I knew that it was only a matter of time before he came after me.

Our sources within his group told us of his intentions to carry out an attack on my home, which he knew was protected by sophisticated security measures.

One very highly placed source reported to a senior police officer that Adair couldn’t get to sleep for trying to think up another scheme to get back at me. To add to my personal difficulty, the political climate at the time virtually forbade us from arresting and questioning him in relation to our intelligence in a manner that would have been normal prior to the Good Friday Agreement.

To arrest Adair was to risk alienating the UDA, and the demand for political stability now far outweighed the threat of my death at the hands of this moron.

There was also the in-fighting. The Special Branch had deliberately withdrawn any assistance their agents could provide to protect me from the UFF.

Their sources were telling my sources of Adair’s plot to attack me.

Yet, up to my retirement, no formally documented threats to my life came to me from the Special Branch, after my assistance to the Stevens Inquiry into the murder of solicitor Pat Finucane.

This saddened me, but it did not surprise me.

In fact, I had good reason to believe that some of the more sinister elements in Special Branch were engaged in winding the UFF in ‘C’ company up and spinning them in my direction.

This was putting my life and the lives of my wife and children in danger.

Sick UFF plot to kidnap my teenage son

JOHNNY Adair plotted to kidnap and kneecap one of my teenage sons in revenge for my role in putting him behind bars.

Ever since Adair’s conviction in 1995, my wife Rebecca and I had lived under constant threat of an attack by the UFF.

But it was the information I received from CID sources in January 2000 that made me feel more vulnerable than I ever felt before in 30 years as an officer.

The sources revealed Adair had contemplated sending his cronies to our village in Ballyrobert to seize one of my sons. Adair’s intention was to have the child tied to a lamppost, kneecapped, and with a placard with ‘Drug Dealer’ written on it hanging around his neck.

He had told one of his very close associates: “That’ll put Jonty’s head up his backside.”

He was right.

I had never felt as vulnerable as I did when I realised that I would have to watch my children every minute of the waking day.

This put an incredible burden on both Rebecca and myself.

It also meant that we had to sit our young boys down and explain graphically to them why they would have to be on constant alert for strangers on foot or in cars.

They were not to open the front door to anyone - not even to a policeman or a cleric.

Adair’s men had used both of these ploys to gain access to the homes of other targets.

At the time of these threats, Adam was 15 and Simon was 13 years old.

No child should have to live in the shadow of such terror.

Into The Dark: Barrett spilled the beans… and opened up huge can of worms

Sunday Life

By Johnston Brown
23 October 2005

He fought to put terrorist killers like Johnny Adair behind bars and was the victim of dirty tricks from sinister elements inside the RUC’s Special Branch. Now former top CID detective Johnston Brown has written a gripping account of his career. Adapted by Sunday Life’s Stephen Gordon from Into The Dark: 30 Years In The RUC…

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Ken Barrett

LOYALIST serial killer Ken Barrett sat in his house telling me he was sick of the UDA and wanted a new life in Canada.

“I’ve had it, Jonty. I’ve seen enough,” said the senior Shankill Road UDA man.

“I’ve seen them with big boxes of money from their drugs and their racketeering . . . there are no soldiers in it. It’s all a waste of time.”

Barrett was offering to work for CID for six-nine months - to blow the Shankill UDA wide open - before disappearing.

That conversation, on October 1, 1991 was to spark an incredible chain of events that included:

• Barrett confessing 48 hours later that he had murdered Pat Finucane in 1989.

• Special Branch blocking my attempts to bring Barrett to justice.

• Special Branch dirty tricks against me.

• Sir John Stevens finally bringing the killer to justice in 2004.

It had actually begun a short time earlier that evening when Barrett called me out of the blue at Greencastle CID.

I hadn’t recognised the deep voice at the other end of the line. The voice was chilling. He spoke slowly and deliberately.

“Save a life, you said, Jonty. You told me to ring you if I could save a life. Well, I want to save a life. I need to talk to you,” he said.

My interest mounted when the caller revealed his identity.

Ken Barrett was suspected of commanding ‘B’ company of the UFF in west Belfast - one of their most vicious units.

My CID colleague, Trevor McIlwrath, and I had interviewed him many times about terrorist crimes, and each time we finished by inviting him to ring us if he ever had information that could save a life.

“Jonty, I’m taking my life in my hands here ringing you. The only reason I trust you is that the UDA hates you, the UVF hates you. Look, I even know some peelers who hate you - you’ve got to be straight,” he said.

“Come up to my house in the Glencairn. I want to ‘empty’ these bastards. Come up here on your own, Jonty,” he said.

“No problem,” I replied. I had no intention of going on my own. That was not an option.

It was a shock to me that a killer like Barrett should come forward. I feared an ambush. Trevor and I decided to go into Glencairn estate backed up by armed Mobile Support Unit officers.

When Barrett opened the door to Trevor and I at 11.30pm, two burly uniformed RUC armed with Heckler & Koch submachine-guns were standing either side of us. Uniformed officers were crouching nearby and others were covering the back door.

“We’re off to a great start here, Jonty,” said Barrett, glaring at us. “How am I going to explain all this?”

He was not happy, but he invited us inside and began to talk of his disgust for the UDA.

Barrett claimed he was so well-placed that no operations were mounted anywhere in Belfast without his knowledge.

He said he was second-in-command to Jim Spence, the ‘brigadier’ of 1 Battalion UDA/UFF. He was offering to hand over arms dumps, give details of UFF operations and expose RUC and UDR officers involved in collusion.

“I’m willing to hand over all I know if the RUC will come up with a deal,” he said.

“How much do you want, Ken?” I asked.

“I was thinking of a grand or so, Jonty. As a token of our deal, if you know what I mean.”

I nearly laughed out loud. Trevor and I could easily scrape up £100, but he had no chance of getting £1,000. I explained that CID only paid on results. We were not like Special Branch, who paid informants monthly retainers.

“No Branch, Jonty. I want nothing to do with them scumbags,” Barrett said.

I explained that we had to involve Special Branch at an early stage in accordance with our regulations. Barrett lost it.

“No Branch, Jonty. The back roads of Northern Ireland are littered with their mistakes.”

It was useless to argue with Barrett. Our hands were tied.

Before we left, Barrett said: “It is as simple as this, Jonty. I have the commodity. You want it. It’s a seller’s market at my level because I can ruin the UFF.”

Barrett was a despicable, low life thug. I was under no illusions as to why he was offering his services. He wanted money.

But I also knew we could exploit his weakness to gain information that could save lives.

He sat in a police car and confessed to the brutal murder of Pat Finucane - but Special Branch were not impressed

KEN Barrett’s offer to blow the UFF wide open didn’t appear to impress the group of Special Branch officers I was ordered to brief at Castlereagh.

They behaved like children, going out of their way to let me know that no one was interested in what Barrett had said two days earlier.

I looked up from my notes to find them winking and nudging each other. I hadn’t been speaking long when a Special Branch detective chirped up: “Thanks for that, Jonty. Now, this is how we handle this.”

My partner and I were told Branch officer Sam (not his real name) was to accompany us to pick up Barrett in a car at Nutts Corner that night.

“Sam will use a concealed tape recorder to record the conversations,” said the detective.

When we arrived that evening the area was swarming with undercover police. Nothing could have prepared me for the debacle that was to follow.

At 8.50pm Barrett opened the back door of our police car and was seated beside my partner Trevor in a flash. As Sam drove off towards Nutts Corner roundabout, cars coming towards us and others parked at the side of the road flashed their lights.

Barrett twigged exactly what was happening. Sam swung the car into the first lay-by, and as he switched off the ignition more headlights flashed from a car parked 300 yards up the main road.

Sam reached for his radiotelephone: “The bird is in the nest.” “Roger,” came the reply.

I couldn’t believe it. It was almost as if Sam and his colleagues wanted Barrett to be aware they were Special Branch.

“Who are these c****, Jonty?” asked a furious Barrett. “I spotted at least four police cars and there’s another one up there flashing lights! Say there’s three of them boys in each car, that’s five cars and 15 men, plus you three. That means at least 18 people know I’m here, and how many more?”

“Those people are here as much to protect you as they are to protect us,” I lied.

“And who is he, Jonty?” Barrett asked, pointing to Sam, who we were pretending was a CID man from HQ in charge of the cash.

“He’s a f****** Branch man,” an agitated Barrett shouted, after Sam asked him a series of questions that no CID man would have asked. Barrett knew that Sam and his watching colleagues were not CID.

He was not happy, but gradually he began to settle down and answer our questions. His knowledge of the UDA/UFF was profound.

We sat in that car for two hours. I cannot recall exactly at what juncture it happened, but he was in full flow when I decided to ask him who had murdered Pat Finucane?

Barrett’s composure left him. The look on his face was one of shock. I realised I had touched a nerve.

“Hypothetically, me,” he said without hesitation. Sam pushed his knee into mine as if to indicate that I should say no more. I did not know what his problem was and I couldn’t have cared less.

By now Barrett was reliving that traumatic event. He was obviously back there in that kitchen, committing the murder all over again.

He was gloating, boasting of how he had murdered Pat Finucane. In Barrett’s own sinister world, he was a hero.

“I stood right over him, Jonty, straddling him, and I fired shot after shot into his face.”

Barrett looked at me with his scary, cruel eyes. He seemed to be seeking approval. I think he expected me to congratulate him. The fact was, he made me feel physically ill. But I knew better than to let him detect that. Ken Barrett was the stuff of nightmares.

“Bang, bang, bang, bang, bang,” he said, holding his hands in the shape of a gun. “Them bullets were going into his f****** head and coming straight back up at me. I heard them whizzing past my own head. The stone floor in the kitchen, Jonty. The bullets were going through his face and into the stone floor and whistling back up again past me.

“I nearly shot myself dead,” he said, with a sudden expression of concern. All I could think, was how could anyone do such a thing to a fellow human being, let alone do it in front of screaming and terrified witnesses, like Pat Finucane’s wife and children?

“I’ll tell you something else you won’t know,” Barrett said.

“I killed that c*** so fast, he was still holding his fork in his hand,” he gloated in a sickening manner.

With facts like these, we would be able to further incriminate or eliminate Barrett from our murder inquiry.

People had made false confessions before. But, personally, I was in no doubt that we were sitting in the presence of a psychopath. I was also totally convinced that this was not the only murder he’d done.

Barrett also told us the name of the second gunman, and said the driver was a young lad from Rathcoole on his first UFF operation.

The problem we had now, was nothing that Barrett had said to us was admissible in evidence against him. He was not under caution. It could only be used to corroborate other evidence.

But we now had a clear duty to put him in jail for life for that murder - and our colleagues in Special Branch had a duty to assist us.

They would. I just knew that they would. This was sheer, unadulterated murder. We had a clear responsibility to the deceased and to his wife and family.

I was in for a shock.

After we dropped Barrett off, both Trevor and myself expressed our intention to put him away.

“No you won’t,” Sam said. “Move away from it.”

“What?” I asked.

“Move away from it,” he repeated.

“We (Special Branch) know he done it, Jonty. We know all about it,” he said.

As a killer this man was stuff of nightmares

My CID partner Trevor and I dubbed Ken Barrett “Freddie Kruger”, after the sinister main character in Nightmare On Elm Street.

Barrett was perhaps the most evil-looking individual it had ever been my duty to meet in 30 years as a policeman.

The cold-blooded serial killer was small in stature, and very thin and gaunt. He used his wild, staring eyes to reinforce points.

It always struck me as odd the way that he would boast openly of his involvement in horrific crimes, including murder.

It was as if he had done so many times to other RUC men, who had done nothing about it.

I had my own suspicions as to which branch of the RUC had been involved.

Fight for justice frustrated… by forces of law and order

KEN Barrett’s graphic description of the Finucane murder fitted perfectly with the facts.

The position of the body, the horrific injuries inflicted, bullet holes in the house - all matched forensic reports.

But, right from the start, my CID partner and I were prevented from trying to bring the killer to justice.

On the morning after Barrett’s startling confession, Trevor and I briefed our supervisors. I noted their apparent lack of enthusiasm for this chance of a lifetime to put a serial killer in jail.

It was obvious that Special Branch had got to these men first. We were told we could not meet Barrett again until six days later, on October 10.

Shortly before that meeting, we were instructed by Special Branch not to raise the Finucane murder case. We were to bleed Barrett of every scrap of information about the UFF. Special Branch had allegedly given senior CID officers the “bigger picture”. My alarm bells never rang louder than when Branch men used the term “bigger picture”.

My experience was that this “bigger picture” phenomenon was used to protect the Branch and their agents from scrutiny. No one was allowed to question the propriety of what the Branch was doing.

I continued to have contact with Barrett. But I had no idea of the lengths Special Branch would go to stop me asking any more questions about the murder of Pat Finucane.

In November, 1991 Barrett told me: “Sam (the Special Branch man) says I’m not to speak to you . . . he hates you, Jonty. He says you are going to put me in jail for the Finucane murder.”

But Special Branch attempts to shut Barrett’s mouth failed miserably. On March 16, 1991 Barrett told me: “Sam says they are going to put a serious UFF threat on you and put the ‘mix’ in with your bosses to get rid of you . . . them boys are scary b*******. Sam told me that, from now on, I’m only to meet Special Branch.”

He claimed Sam asked him if he knew if Johnny Adair and Jim Spence knew where I lived, and where my elderly mother lived.

Barrett was right. Two days later, I was summoned to the detective inspector’s office at Tennent Street where I was officially informed that a serious threat from the UFF had been made against me. The threat alleged the UFF were aware of my address and my mother’s address.

Later, a superior officer told me: “The Special Branch want a meeting at Castlereagh at 2pm today to discuss your alleged betrayal, Jonty. They say you are dropping the names of their informants on the Shankill Road.”

There was “the mix” Barrett had tipped me off about.

But I had already informed a superior officer of Ken Barrett’s warning.

Our CID regional head was later able to stop Special Branch in their tracks, telling them that none other than Ken Barrett had warned me this would happen.

Special Branch were stumped, but quickly concluded there had been “a clash of personalities at a junior level”.

They agreed to remove Sam from the Barrett case in return for CID removing me.

Into The Dark: I’m the fall guy as Special Branch sell Stevens a ‘pup’

Sunday Life

By Johnston Brown
23 October 2005

He fought to put terrorist killers like Johnny Adair behind bars and was the victim of dirty tricks from sinister elements inside the RUC’s Special Branch. Now former top CID detective Johnston Brown has written a gripping account of his career. Adapted by Sunday Life’s Stephen Gordon from Into The Dark: 30 Years In The RUC…

IN April 1999 I found myself being treated like a criminal suspect by the Stevens Inquiry team.

John Stevens (later Sir John Stevens) himself treated me with some disdain, before I was finally able to expose a Special Branch dirty trick to discredit me.

I had always taken the view - still do - that it was the responsibility of Special Branch to investigate the murder of Pat Finucane. I had no faith in passing responsibility to a team of English detectives.

I had wanted to return to the Finucane case, but when responsibility for the case was handed to Stevens, it was my duty to assist.

On April 27, 1991 I sat in the sweltering heat of the Stevens team office at Seapark with two English detectives, going over and over my account of Barrett’s confession.

I told them how Barrett’s confession had been recorded by ‘Sam’ on October 3, 1991.

The following day, I returned to record my witness statement - simply a full account of Barrett’s confession. There was no reference to Special Branch obstruction or treachery.

As I reached over to sign the statement, a Welsh detective sergeant stopped me and told me to read it aloud. After I did so and went to sign it, he again stopped me.

The two Stevens detectives cleared the desk, leaving only the statement sitting there between them and me. The atmosphere changed totally. I was aghast. As a detective, I knew exactly what this meant.

They were no longer looking at me as a witness. I was now a criminal suspect. They thought that they had me cornered.

“Before you sign that, Jonty, I want you to think very carefully. Could you be wrong? Could you be mistaken?

“No,” I answered.

“If you sign that certificate, and what you say is not true, that is perjury. You do understand that, Jonty?” he said.

I assured him I understood, and then signed all six pages of my witness statement.

The detective explained that Sam had handed over an audiotape marked ‘3 October 1991′ to the Stevens 3 team. The recording had been tested by the Met and it had not been altered or edited in any way.

He added: “But I can tell you now for a fact there is no confession on it from Barrett in relation to the murder of Pat Finucane. So, how do you explain that?”

I was speechless. I felt sick. I realised Special Branch had pulled a fast one. But how could they have edited the tape without leaving a forensic trace? I asked to be allowed to listen to the entire tape. Stevens was brought into the room and I put my request to him.

“Allow him to listen to the tape,” said Stevens.

“Give him all the writing paper he needs. Let him make whatever notes he wishes and when he is finished, seize his notes and exhibit them.”

I noted more than a little disdain in his voice. He did not believe me either.

On the tape, Ken Barrett could be heard speaking excitedly about two murders which occurred that night in north Belfast.

He spoke first about the murder of a man he referred to as “wee Harry Ward”, who had been shot dead by republicans. Barrett could then be heard blaming Johnny Adair for a UFF retaliation murder of a Catholic taxi driver a few hours later. I realised these two murders dated that tape.

I called CID Regional Intelligence Unit (RIU) at Castlereagh, knowing they would have the date on computer. My stomach was turning over. I felt ill.

The officer at RIU replied: “Yes, sergeant, here it is. Henry Fleming Ward. He was shot dead in the Diamond Jubilee Bar on the Shankill Road by the IPLO on 10 October 1991.”

Special Branch had switched the tapes! The recording given to Stevens marked October 3 was a tape of a second conversation with Barrett on October 10.

Special Branch had made sure the second meeting with Barrett took place at exactly the same lay-by, and insisted that neither my CID colleague nor myself question him about Pat Finucane’s murder.

The tapes had been switched to make a liar out of anyone who alleged that Barrett had confessed. It had almost worked. I had almost fallen victim again to one of their dirty tricks.

When Stevens returned to the interview room, his previous disdain for me was gone.

“Are you telling me that Special Branch have sold me a pup?” he asked.

He turned to some of his staff and demanded: “Get over to RUC headquarters and get that original tape.”

During a conversation, I told Stevens I hoped he would deliver change, so that a new generation of detectives would not suffer the same obstruction I’d suffered from elements within Special Branch.

He replied: “I have listened to some very senior RUC officers speak ill of you, Johnston. I listened to them, but as far as I can see, they are not fit to lace your boots.”

This man now knew he was facing the runaround.

Treated like a pariah for doing my duty as cop

I WAS branded a “rat” following my assistance to the Stevens Inquiry investigation into Pat Finucane’s murder.

CID colleagues shunned me and one Special Branch man made a sinister threat to have guns planted in my home.

When I walked into a room, colleagues simply walked out. They totally ignored me. They passed me in corridors as if I was invisible. I was a whistleblower, a rat.

There were notable exceptions. Some decent police officers who supported me knew the facts. They had taken the trouble to ask. They understood my reasons for going forward and had no problems with what I had done.

They told me of malicious rumours being bandied about of how I had made a number of statements to the Stevens team incriminating Special Branch and fellow CID officers.

According to those fabricated stories, there was no end to my treachery. This was nonsense, of course, but there was nothing I could do to redress it.

I was tired. I was totally disillusioned with it all. I tried to brave it out, but inside it was eating me up.

On the other hand, Special Branch wasted no time in letting me know they had nothing to fear from what I had told the Stevens team.

They were openly hostile towards me, but that was to be expected. One of them stopped me in a corridor in Castlereagh.

“We are duck’s ass tight on that Finucane murder, Jonty. We don’t give a f*** about the Stevens team,” he said.

I knew that particular officer had quite a lot to fear. I have often wondered if the Stevens team were ever able to bring that particular Rottweiler to heel.

Another Special Branch officer, who had a long history of fighting with me, actually threatened to have guns planted in the roofspace of my home.

He said that he would send in his “Ninja” men to recover them. This was his idea of a ploy to totally discredit me.

He told me straight that I could not expect to bad-mouth Special Branch to a team of English detectives and not receive payback. His outburst was so filled with venom.

There was no telling how they would come back at me for the Barrett affair. I feared the worst. Now I had to protect my family, not only from terrorists . . . but also from sinister elements within the RUC itself.

Lucky to be alive after mob attack

Sunday Life

By Stephen Breen
23 October 2005

THIS is the Protestant teenager who was left for DEAD when he was abandoned in a republican stronghold - by HIS OWN taxi driver.

Stephen Donaghy, from Blacks Road, in west Belfast, suffered serious injuries, after he and a pal were set upon by a 30-strong mob on the Andersonstown Road, early yesterday.

Although his friend managed to escape, Stephen was knocked unconscious, after he was repeatedly kicked and punched on the head.

The thugs also hurled full beercans at the two pals.

Said Stephen: “I can’t believe this has happened to me.

“I had just dropped off two Catholic friends of mine, and thought I was on my way home.

“I knew something was funny when the taxi driver asked where we were from, and then made excuses about having to meet his brother for something.

“The next thing, he stopped the car outside a chippy, grabbed a baseball bat, opened the door and started calling us Orange b******s. He knew the crowd were waiting for us, and we had no other option but to get out of the car. The next thing I remember is the punches and kicks flying in on my head.

“I am still in a daze about the whole thing.”

Stephen was sharing a taxi with three friends before two were dropped off on the Glen Road.

But, when he was on his way home, the taxi driver started quizzing him, before suddenly stopping in the hardline republican area.

Stephen was rescued by two passersby and was rushed to the Royal Victoria Hospital, where his condition was last night described as “stable”.

He is now waiting to see a specialist over fears that his right eye may be permanently damaged.

But, he believes that he is very lucky to be alive.

Added Stephen: “I tried to get away, but they kept kicking and punching me.

“The next thing I remember is waking up, and these two fellas helping me - I probably owe them my life.

“I can’t see out my of my right eye and I just hope I won’t be blinded by the attack.

“The mob were like animals - they were determined to kill us.

“I’ve no doubt the taxi driver knew that, by dropping us off, we could have ended up being killed. I have no interest in religion and was just out to enjoy myself.

“I have never been in a situation like this before, and it is one I never want to experience again.”

The taxi driver was believed to be driving a red-coloured car, and police at Woodbourne have appealed for information.

Said a spokesman: “Police at Woodbourne did move a crowd on in the Andersonstown Road area on Saturday morning, and would appeal for anyone with information on this attack to come forward.

sbreen@belfast telegraph.co.uk

1971 Victims of State Killings

Relatives for Justice

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Dorothy Maguire 19 years, Lower Falls, west Belfast

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Maura Meehan 30 years, Lower Falls, west Belfast, she was shot dead by British soldiers along with Dorothy Maguire (19) on 23 October 1971. The two women had been in a car driving around the Lower Falls Road area raising the alarm that British soldiers were raiding homes in the area when they were shot.

Today in history: Two women shot at Belfast checkpoint

BBC ON THIS DAY

23 October 1971


The Army shot nine times, killing Mary Ellen Meehan, 30, and her sister Dorothy Maguire, 19

Westminster and Stormont MP Gerry Fitt has called for an official inquiry into the shooting of two women in the Catholic Falls area of Belfast.

The women were shot dead as their car swerved down the road, smashing into a wall and failed to stop at a checkpoint.

Two other people in the car survived and have been charged under the Explosive Substances Act. They are waiting to appear in court.

Soldiers say they only opened fire after shots were fired from the car itself.

“As the car shot out of the end of the street two of my men saw somebody smash the back window. Two shots were fired,” explained Major Christopher Dunphie of the Royal Green Jackets.

In return the Army shot nine times killing Mary Ellen Meehan, 30, and her sister Dorothy Maguire, 19.

When officers reached the car they found the two women dead on the back seat. They were reported to be wearing men’s clothing.

William Davidson said he was the driver of the car and denies accusations that shots were fired saying the women had asked to go to the road with foghorns after reports that there was trouble in the Lower Falls area.

Florence O’Riordan also said she was the driver of the car and was treated for cuts and shock at the Royal Victoria Hospital.

The IRA leader, Joe Cahill, said the women were known members of the Woman’s Action Committee who are involved in the practice of warning people of the arrival of British troops.

Security across the area has been stepped up after Mr Cahill said that “retaliatory action” would be taken against the British troops by IRA Provisionals.

In Context

Shootings and demonstrations continued in the Falls Road area on that day.

British troops near the border were involved in fighting with civilians who were attempting to use diggers to fill in craters that the army had dug.

Army vehicles faced bursts of gun fire as they left the Royal Victoria Hospital but did not return fire.

Today in recent history: IRA begins decommissioning weapons

BBC ON THIS DAY

23 October 2001


The IICD chief confirmed the move

The Northern Ireland peace process has reached an historic breakthrough as the IRA announced they had begun decommissioning their weapons.

In a statement the IRA said: “In order to save the peace process we have implemented the scheme agreed with the IICD [Independent International Commission on Decommissioning] in August 2001.”

General John de Chastelain, head of the IICD confirmed the action.

“We have now witnessed an event which we regard as significant in which the IRA has put a quantity of arms completely beyond use. The material in question includes arms, ammunition and explosives” he said.
British Prime Minister Tony Blair praised the Sinn Fein leadership for the “boldness of this move.”

“This is a peace process that despite it all is working. We are a very long way from finishing our journey but a very significant milestone has been passed,” he added.

Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern also welcomed the move, recognising that “taking this step has meant a lot to the leadership of the IRA and I fully acknowledge that this was not an easy decision for them.”

Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams, who recommended the move, described the announcement as “a huge, liberating leap forward”.

“At a time when there is international calamity in the world, this shows that matters can be resolved through politics,” he said.

The absence of decommissioning arms, a move pledged in the Good Friday Agreement, has been one of the main stumbling blocks in the peace process but this move looks set to renew the agreement.

Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble said, “There is now clear evidence of a commitment.” He added that he was now ready to return to the power sharing executive with Sinn Fein.

Despite the IRA statement and assurances from the IICD, there are concerns that the IRA will retain enough weapons to be capable of causing massive damage.

In Context

Having resigned as first minister to encourage the IRA into decommissioning weapons David Trimble was re-elected to the position in November 2001.

The plan for the IRA to decommission its weapons was set out in the Good Friday Agreement which was signed in 1998.

The issue of decommissioning has remained the major stumbling block in talks between all parties seeking to restore devolution since the Northern Ireland Assembly was suspended in October 2002.

Bishop built wall of silence against howls of abused children

Irish Independent

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REVELATION: Journalist Veronica Guerin, who revealed that Bishop Brendan Comiskey knew about the activities of Fr Sean Fortune. Photo: PJ Browne

IN SPRING 1995, the late Veronica Guerin tugged at a string - and the career of a high-flying bishop began to unravel in a web of sexual perversion within his diocese.

The journalist wrote in the Sunday Independent that gardai had begun investigating a priest in Wexford for abusing boys in the dioceses. The complaint, it later transpired, was lodged by a former altar boy.

The twist in the story was that Dr Brendan Comiskey, the Bishop of Ferns, knew all about this abusing priest but still failed to stop him. Seven years before the garda investigation began, she revealed, the bishop had written to another boy from the diocese, who had also been abused, and apologised for what this errant priest had done to him.

None of the protagonists were named in Veronica Guerin’s article but they were later to become well-known. The boy whom Bishop Comiskey wrote to was Paul Molloy, from Fethard, in Wexford. The boy who instigated the garda investigation seven years later was Colm O’Gorman. The priest was Fr Sean Fortune, the self-aggrandising curate who raped and pillaged with apparent impunity across the Ferns dioceses.

Veronica Guerin’s story appeared at a time when the Catholic Church still denied responsibility for the abusing priests who sheltered beneath the well-turned skirts of the hierarchy. Offending clerics were still moved from diocese to diocese.

Protection of the Church’s wealth was still valued over the children who were abused by men who wore its cloth. Claims were often contested to the steps of the Four Courts.

Bishops later blamed lawyers for excising the words “guilty” and “sorry” from their lexicon. Some may have been complicit in allowing perverted priests the freedom to roam, but to admit as much, they later explained, was legal suicide.

Bishop Comiskey was at that time a media-friendly prelate, lauded for his liberalism. He counselled Bishop Eamon Casey after revelations of his love child surfaced. He preached tolerance and encouraged debates on celibacy. But he refused to publicly acknowledge the vipers that nested in his parish.

The Bishop of Ferns dismissed Veronica Guerin’s story in cavalier fashion: “I have written no such letter apologising for the sexual misconduct of this priest,” he declared. He took offence at the inference that he somehow had acknowledged the guilt of his priest.

“I would think it quite wrong to make any comment until the law had run its full course. However, I myself have been implicated in a manner which implies that I have acknowledged the guilt of the accused.”

Ger Walsh, the editor of the Wexford People, was moved to reveal in an off-the-record conversation, Bishop Comiskey had left him “with the clear impression that some sort of letter had been written”.

A decade on, Bishop Comiskey will no doubt still deny it, knowing the note was long ago lost.

But the inference that he was fully aware of Sean Fortune’s predeliction for raping young boys remains.

He was also aware of numerous other allegations of sex abuse involving priests in his dioceses, and his insufficient response is expected to be amongst the findings of Judge Frank Murphy’s long-awaited report into the Church’s handling of clerical sex abuse in Ferns.

Its publication on Tuesday is largely due the persistence and bravery of those who were assaulted and raped by the priests who roamed the diocese. It will be the first official tome to pronounce on the wrongs inflicted on them by not only their abusers but by bishops, the authorities and also some gardai who, in their collective silences, allowed the rapists to prevail.

Bishop Comiskey inherited from his predecessors a cabal of abusive priests whose heinous acts had been covered up for years, and complaints about Fr Sean Fortune were already waiting for him when he became Bishop of Fernsin 1984.

The priest was supposedly a progressive thinker who bullied his parishioners in Fethard-on-Sea.

After receiving those complaints Bishop Comiskey moved Fr Sean Fortune from his parish in Fethard-on-Sea and sent him to London.

A litany of complaints followed. In 1986, a boy from Waterford told Bishop Comiskey in person how he had been raped by Fr Sean Fortune. In 1989, Fortune returned with a communications qualification and a supposedly clean bill of health.

Bishop Comiskey put him into a communications office in Dublin where he raped a 15-year-old boy.

The sexual abuse came closer to home too: the bishop’s own former controller of diocesan funds killed himself in 1995, five years after he had discovered that his son had been sexually abused by a priest. Father James Doyle was convicted of the abuse and the boy’s father reportedly never recovered.

Other priests got away scot-free. Fr Jim Grennan abused 10 girls in the parish of Monageer. The local health authority confirmed the abuse and confronted the priest. The garda investigation went nowhere and the priest remained in the divided parish.

Garry O’Halloran, then a councillor, claimed that “all official recognition of the very existence of this case” had disappeared from June 1988 until 1995, after the publicity generated by the garda investigation. The priest died, un-apprehended, in 1994.

Under pressure - with the media on his trail and a litany of abuse allegations mounting - Comiskey cracked months after Veronica Guerin’s story. He fled to America in September 1995 for alcohol treatment. His departure unleashed an unrelenting onslaught of dangerous tittle-tattle and damning conjecture.

Aggrieved witnesses came out of the woodwork and repeated tales of sodden drunkenness and unseemly flirting. Justine McCarthy, a journalist, reported how the bishop chased her around the dining table after he invited her to lunch.

His frequent flights to Thailand - at enormous expense - led to other outlandish rumours. Some were true, such as the time he stumbled drunk and incoherent from a plane in Bangkok, couldn’t find his passport and was locked up until he was fit to identify himself.

Such tales were embroidery to the impaired judgment, pitiful self-absorption and disdain that appeared to characterise the Bishop’s reign.

What was astonishing was that Bishop Comiskey allowed Fr Fortune to become so close to him. After Fortune scurried away when the garda investigation began, Bishop Comiskey circulated a letter to parishioners praising him for his good work.

Some sources claimed that Fr Fortune probably exploited the bishop, ingratiating himself to him by being on hand during his drinking bouts, topping up his glass and caring for him in his incoherence.

In her about book about Fr Sean Fortune, Alison O’Connor wrote: “Fortune, when confronted with complaints that had been made, would insist that he had done nothing wrong, producing documentation or references from other people to back up his side of the story. The bishop was in a very tricky situation - because under Canon Law Fortune could appeal any attempt to remove him from a parish and remain there while the appeal was being heard by Rome.”

The fall-out from the scandals must have been profoundly felt by the bishop. One friend claimed three years ago that he was torn apart by the hurt caused by the sordid mess over which he presided. For a communicator, he failed dismally to convey this private anguish.

Tellingly, what did for Bishop Comiskey was neither his bosses in the Vatican, nor his fellow bishops in Ireland, but a ground-breaking BBC documentary.

In 2002, Fr Sean Fortune’s victims shed their anonymity to confront Bishop Comiskey and the Catholic hierarchy with their faces.

Handsome, well-spoken, damaged and all too real, their haunting testimonies contrasted with the bishop’s self-serving response. The bishop blithely hummed “We will survive” and ignored reporters on his tail.

Asked again to discuss the sexual abuse, he slammed the sacristy door.

Nine days later, he resigned. He told his parishioners: “I found Father Fortune virtually impossible to deal with. I confronted him regularly; for a time, I removed him from ministry; I sought professional advice in several quarters; I listened to the criticisms and the praise; I tried compassion and I tried firmness; treatment was sought and arranged - and yet I never managed to achieve any level of satisfactory outcome.

“Father Fortune committed very grave wrongs and hurt many people. Despite the difficulties he presented in management terms, I should have adopted a more informed and concerted approach to any dealings with him, and for this I ask forgiveness.”

Judge Murphy’s report will be a deciding factor. Colm O’Gorman, Pat Jackman and Donncha McGloin, who were all repeatedly raped by Sean Fortune, have also repeatedly sought and failed to get answers from Bishop Comiskey. On Tuesday, they are hoping to finally get lucky.

Maeve Sheehan

Lawlor killed in red-light district with teenage prostitute

Guardian

Henry McDonald, Ireland editor
Sunday October 23, 2005
The Observer

**Today [27/07/2008] I received and approved a comment concerning this story, did some searching and came up with this article: Lawlor crash survivor settles libel action

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Liam Lawlor

Disgraced politician Liam Lawlor, who died in a car crash in Russia yesterday morning, may have been travelling with a young prostitute it emerged last night.

It is known that, while on regular trips to Prague, Lawlor, the first Irish politician to be jailed for corruption, visited brothels and sex clubs in the Czech capital. Lawlor was married with children.

Moscow police said that they suspected that a young woman in the hired Mercedes with Lawlor was a teenage callgirl from Ukraine. The former Fianna Fail TD died instantly, along with his driver, who lost control and smashed into a concrete post on the Leningradski Highway north of Moscow around 1am yesterday.

A spokesman for Moscow City Police said the girl, who was travelling in the back of the car, was slightly injured in the crash. She was later taken to hospital.

The accident took place close to the village of Symoka as Lawlor, his driver and the girl were returning from Khimki, the spokesman said.

Asked about the relationship between Lawlor and the girl, the police spokesman said: ‘They were not close friends. She does not have a passport and appears to be Ukrainian. I can only assume that they met in the street.’

Moscow police sources said they suspected she had been working as a prostitute. It is unclear what Lawlor was doing in Moscow but during investigations into his corrupt lifestyle it emerged he had extensive business interests across the former Soviet bloc, particularly in Prague.

Last night former associates said Lawlor had been afraid to testify against leading Dublin criminals he had been colluding with in laundering cash into property developments. Lawlor’s death in Moscow overshadowed the Fianna Fail Ard Fheis, being held in Killarney this weekend. Taoiseach Bertie Ahern extended his sympathy to Lawlor’s wife Hazel, his children and family even though the ex-TD was forced to resign from the party.

‘I have known Liam Lawlor since we were both first elected in 1977.

‘In his youth, Liam was well known as a hurler and he represented Dublin and Leinster. He followed the route travelled by a number of many prominent GAA stars and swapped the playing pitches for political life.

‘Liam was an engaging, witty and larger-than-life character. He was also a man with a keen intellect and strong views that he was never afraid to articulate. Outside the rough and tumble of political activity, he was extremely popular with his parliamentary colleagues across the political board,’ Ahern said.

The Taoiseach however made no explicit mention of Lawlor’s resignation from the party following his imprisonment for corruption. From 2002 Lawlor was jailed three times for refusing to co-operate with the Flood Tribunal, the body established to investigate allegations of a corrupt network of politicians and building developers in his Dublin West Constituency.

Lawlor had admitted to taking bribes from the late lobbyist Frank Dunlop on behalf of builders. As a county councillor and later TD the 60-year-old politician rezoned land earmarked for industrial use to land for property development instead. He received tens of thousands in kick-backs while the developers made hundreds of millions speculating on the rezoned land.

It has since emerged that one of the reasons Lawlor preferred imprisonment in Dublin’s notorious Mountjoy jail was that he feared naming a number of business associates in the city’s criminal underworld. Lawlor was suspected of recycling cash for criminals into property across western Dublin and latterly into eastern Europe. After refusing to name names Lawlor resigned from Fianna Fail under massive pressure from the party’s leadership.

Narnia author wipes the paramilitaries off the wall

Guardian

Campaigners celebrate Ulster’s cultural and sporting heroes, including author CS Lewis

Henry McDonald
Sunday October 23, 2005
The Observer

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CS Lewis

The creator of the Narnia books has been enlisted to help wean a new generation off paramilitary activities in Northern Ireland.

As Disney prepares to bring CS Lewis’s The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe to the big screen this Christmas, culture campaigners in East Belfast are reclaiming the author as an alternative role model for children in the Ulster loyalist stronghold.

A mural dedicated to Lewis’s legacy and Ulster roots has replaced another that once celebrated the exploits of armed loyalist paramilitaries. The move to ‘de-militarise’ the walls of Protestant East Belfast has also seen murals praising the UVF erased and replaced with ones highlighting the local roots of Northern Irish soccer stars such as George Best, Derek Dougan and Sammy McIlroy. Other ‘de-militarised’ walls in the area include one now with a mural recalling Alamo hero Davy Crockett’s Ulster origins.

CS Lewis was born in Holywood in 1898 and lived there until he was nine when his family packed him off to boarding school in England. Despite his long absences from home, Lewis continued to return to his native Ulster up until his death.

East Belfast multilingual academic and Ulster Unionist Dr Ian Adamson even points to East Belfast’s rural hinterland as the inspiration for Lewis’s Narnia.

‘On maps he drew of Narnia there is an uncanny similarity between the topography and that between the Holywood hills and the Mountains of Mourne in the distance. This is an area he was always fond of, which he remembered from his Ulster childhood.’

Adamson is chairperson of the Somme Association which was established to record the impact of the First World War on Ulster, particularly the loss of tens of thousands of local men in the Battle of the Somme.

‘The other major connection aside from his childhood in Ulster is the fact that Lewis like his friend at Oxford JRR Tolkien fought in the First World War. This is another important Ulster link that people here can relate to.’

He added that through education programmes, cultural campaigners are teaching a new generation of local children that CS Lewis is ‘one of their own.’

‘It’s so important for them to realise that their community has produced so many world famous sportsmen or authors like CS Lewis. This will instil a new sense of pride in a community that has been down for so long, and told that it has contributed next to nothing for the world.’ Lord Laird, the chairman of the Ulster Scots Agency, the organisation behind the cultural initiative, said he hoped the renewed interest in CS Lewis would remind not only Northern Ireland but the planet at large about the impact some of Ulster’s ‘exports’ made on the world.

‘It’s often said by our critics that the only thing the Ulster Scots tradition produced was inventions like the tractor. Now I’m very proud that the tractor’s inventor was an Ulsterman and that his invention revolutionised the world. However, we have given much more to the world than ships and tractors.

‘CS Lewis is one of many literary figures in history who have Ulster Scots roots. Mark Twain’s family, for example, came from Co Derry as did the parents of John Steinbeck who lived before emigrating to the United States from a village near Limavady called Eden.

‘The new film about Narnia will, I hope, get people here and abroad interested in the Ulster literary legacy which is as powerful and lasting as the southern Irish literary tradition,’ Laird said.

A University of Ulster academic and expert on CS Lewis who acted as a consultant for the company behind the new movie agreed that his Ulster Protestant heritage coloured the Narnia author’s writing. Professor John Gillespie pointed out that Lewis was a ‘a great orator and debater who learnt his style from the pulpits where his family worshipped.’ Up until he left the north-east of Ireland, Lewis and his family attended St Mark’s Church of Ireland in Dundela, East Belfast.

‘That particular style of preaching and oratory in the Ulster Protestant imagination undoubtedly impacted on Lewis. Like many with that kind of background he also stuck rigidly to his beliefs, and stood up for them publicly.

‘But it’s also worth remembering that although Lewis’s father Albert was a traditional unionist and Orangeman at the time of the 1912 Home Rule crisis, his son loathed bigotry.

‘All his adult life he wrote about religious sectarianism, as in his work Mere Christianity in which he said there were many rooms to the house of Christianity, all of which he insisted were equally valid. ‘

Gillespie added that Lewis’s lifelong devotion to his homeland was not confined to Protestant Ulster.

‘Lewis often came to Ireland for walking tours. He loved Donegal and the Wicklow mountains as well as northeast Ireland.’

Although campaigners have erected a statue of him close his original home at the Holywood Arches alongside a wardrobe sculpture, few locals last week on the Newtonards Road were able to recall that Lewis was an East Belfast native; fewer still could locate the mural recently dedicated to his memory where loyalist paramilitary images once stood.

Those promoting Lewis’s roots will be hoping that the movie predicted to break box office records will revive interest in his Ulster Protestant origins.

The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe has yet another North of Ireland connection with Ballymena-born actor Liam Neeson providing the voice for the magical lion-hero Aslan. It also stars Dawn French, Rupert Everett and Jim Broadbent. Directed by Andrew Adamson, whose previous films include Shrek and Shrek 2, The Lion, The Witch and The Wardrobe will be released in December.

Make process a success

**Via NEWSHOUND

(Gerry Kelly, Irelandclick.com)

Sinn Féin’s Gerry Kelly responds to Ian Crozier’s platform piece.

The DUP rhetoric is becoming tired and stale. The Peace Process is not a one-way street it is about resolving the conflict and providing a future away from the pain and suffering that has left no community unscathed.

Equality, democracy, a new beginning to policing – it is difficult to understand why there would be any level of opposition to progress on any of these issues.

There has been a summer of sectarian violence – and the facts show that the vast majority of attacks on homes, property, schools and churches have been carried out by unionists.

Not that I want to try and brush any attacks on the protestant community under the carpet because I don’t. Sinn Féin have been unequivocal and forthright in our condemnation of any sectarian attacks. In fact we have done more than that, Sinn Féin representatives and activists have stood side-by-side with the community to try and manage interface tensions and reduce sectarian violence.

You have to ask where has the DUP been.

The answer is that they have been sitting down with the UVF and UDA on the North and West Belfast Parades Forum. We all saw the result of the tactics employed by that forum on the streets of North and West Belfast in the wake of the Orange Order attempt to force a sectarian parade through the nationalist community on the Springfield Road.

At the same time their refusal to talk to the epresentatives of the majority of nationalists sends out a clearly sectarian signal.

There is a gaping hole in the arguments put up by the DUP for not getting the Peace Process back up and running.

They complain about alienation. Yet it is only through dialogue and getting the political institutions back up and running that we will be able to really get to grips with these issues.

We would do far more to sort out interface tensions and tackle issues like poverty, housing, educational underachievement through a local Assembly than we will ever do thorough direct rule British ministers.

The questions for the DUP are clear – Do they want the peace process to be a success and are they prepared to provide positive leadership? Do they not have the confidence in their own political position?

The truth is that the historic, momentous and unprecedented initiatives from the IRA have liberated the peace process. We need to build upon that momentum.

That requires the DUP to take their collective heads out of the sand and take on they political responsibilities they claim to aspire to. This means that they must begin to show some positive leadership.

The DUP claim that they are representative of a new confident unionism.

If that is the case then what are they running away from? Let them sit down with Sinn Féin and work out a way to get the institutions back up so that we can work to improve the lives of all our people.

If their communities are saying that they have been left voiceless it is wrong to criticise Sinn Féin because it is unionism that has failed unionist areas.

I say with no small sense of irony that many would benefit from the type of representation that Sinn Féin deliver.

October 22, 2005
________________

This article appeared first on the Irelandclick.com web site on October 21, 2005.

THE REBELLION OF 1641

Library Ireland

**Today in history: 1641 – Great Irish Massacre occurs after discovery of conspiracy against British
The Courier-Mail

By R. Barry O’Brien

[From The Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 4th Series, Vol. XVII, No. 449, May 1905]

THERE is no subject, connected with Irish history about which so many untruths have been told as about the Rebellion of 1641. Thirty years ago a brilliant English writer - perhaps the most brilliant English writer of our generation - wrote a book called The English in Ireland in the Eighteenth Century; and the account which he then gave of the Rebellion has passed current in England since. The idea which, in the main, still exists in the English mind about the Rebellion of 1641 is, that it was a wanton massacre of the English settlers in Ulster having its origin in the murdering propensities of the Irish race. It is the old story of the double dose of original sin which, it is supposed, was given to the Irish at the beginning. There is another cause which has helped to “nail this particular lie to the mast” (as a member of the House of Commons once said). No intelligent person now attempts to justify Cromwell’s operations in Ireland. But his apologists say that he went to the country as an avenging angel - went to avenge the ‘massacre of 1641.’ Cromwell himself, in fact, took this view of the case. ‘I am persuaded,’ he wrote to the Parliament from Drogheda, ‘that this is a righteous judgment of God upon those barbarous wretches who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent blood.’ The unconscious humour of this sentence is delightful. Three thousand persons were slaughtered at Drogheda. Of these half (it is said) were English royalists who had no more to do with the ‘massacres of 1641′ than Cromwell himself. Of the other half who were Irish, there is not a particle of evidence to show that any of them were concerned in the Rebellion.

>>READ ON