SAOIRSE32

AN PHOBLACHT/REPUBLICAN NEWS

25 April 2002
BY LAURA FRIEL

Roseanne Mallon

The role of Special Branch came under scrutiny again last week, with further media revelations concerning a secret internal report into the investigation of the killing of a Catholic pensioner in 1994.

Questions about the role of Special Branch arising out of the report bear remarkable similarity to those recently exposed by the Police Ombudsman’s inquiry into the Omagh investigation, which precipitated an unprecedented public display of outrage by the then Chief Constable Ronnie Flanagan.

In both incidents Special Branch, far from acting as facilitators to the murder investigation, deliberately withheld information and in doing so possibly suppressed vital video evidence. In the recent Ombudsman’s report, Nuala O’Loan concluded that the investigation into the Omagh bombing had been ‘hampered’ because Special Branch and the British Army refused to release video evidence.

According to the secret files relating to the killing of Roseanne Mallon, investigating officers were not told about covert British soldiers who were at the scene before, after and during the shooting. Material recorded at the scene by a hidden camera was initially kept secret. Tapes subsequently went ‘missing’ and British military logbooks were ‘unavailable’.

It has been suggested that in the case of Omagh, Special Branch reticence stemmed from a wish to keep their agents in place. In the Mallon case, the main beneficiary appears to have been the chief loyalist suspect and known mass sectarian murderer, Billy Wright.

As an elderly spinster, Roseanne Mallon often stayed at the remote Killymoyle home of her sister-in-law Bridie. On the night of Sunday 8 May 1994, the 76-year-old was watching television alone when loyalist gunmen opened fire through the front window. A moment earlier, Bridie Mallon had left the room to answer a telephone call.

Paula Mallon lived across the road and while speaking on the telephone she saw a car draw up and two men running up the driveway towards her mother’s Cullenrammer Road home. She then heard the rattle of gunfire.

As Roseanne Mallon struggled to her feet, she was hit several times and died a short time after the firing stopped. As the window blinds snapped up, giving a clear view of their victim, the killers continued firing. “They knew they were shooting an old woman,” said Bridie.

A short time after the incident, elaborate British Army spying equipment was discovered close to the house. Subsequently, the British authorities admitted that at the time of the killing the area was not only subject to a secret surveillance operation but was also being staked out by a covert unit of six British soldiers.

Almost eight years after the brutal events of that night, the inquest into the killing has yet to be held. A number of loyalists were questioned shortly after the killing but without substantial evidence they were quickly released. To date, no one has been convicted in relation to the killing.

The apparent disinterest with which the state has pursued the killers of Roseanne Mallon is far from unique. But the unexpected discovery of British surveillance equipment at the scene has marked out the case as unusual. Unusual, not because the murder scene was under surveillance at the time of the killing but, in the exposure of that fact.

Just over two months after Roseanne Mallon’s death, 9 July, a farmer working in a field close to the Mallon home removed what appeared to be a log stuck in a hedge and discovered a cable and transmitting equipment was attached. According to an internal RUC report, the surveillance equipment had been running at least 13 days prior to the killing and continued until it was uncovered in July.

Film footage of two cameras, also discovered at the scene, was subsequently broadcast by UTV. The televised equipment was referred to as one small camera with a wide angled lens and another camera with a powerful telephoto lens. Television commentator Ivan Lyttle said the spy equipment included a modulator and a facility to transmit the picture.

Curiously, despite UTV’s unquestionable expertise in relation to camera and transmission equipment, the RUC and British Army vigorously denied that either camera had a zoom or night vision capability. Despite the fact that tapes were wiped and records doctored, a number of admissions still point to the contrary.

One British soldier, described only as Soldier BB, was monitoring transmissions from the Cullenrammer Road operation at Killymeal Barracks in Dungannon on the night of the killing and the following day. Solider BB was present in the operations room when soldiers in the dugout reported hearing a burst of machine gun fire.

According to documentation relating to the case, the operations room log, serial number 557 and dated 9 May 1994 at 1121 hours, carries the entry “still recording”.

This entry directly contradicts written statements by British soldiers involved in the covert operation who claim recording of the scene stopped shortly before the killing “due to poor light” and did not recommence until shortly after 4.30pm on the following day.

Soldier BB attempts to explain the anomaly. According to his statement, “although the entry stated, “Still recording”, I can say from viewing the log and from memory that tape recordings were not made between 2128 hours on 8 May 1994 to 1631 hours on 9.5.94.”

The soldier continues: “The entry ’still recording’ means that the OP were still monitoring the area, not that tape recordings were being made.” It’s a clumsy attempt at a cover up.

First, throughout all other documentation, “recording” is used in a very precise manner and is never substituted to mean “monitoring”. Are we really expected to believe that the substitution of the word ‘recording’ for ‘monitoring’ appears only during this most crucial entry?

Second, Solider BB claims that the covert unit were not ’still recording’ on the grounds that they were ’still monitoring’; this suggests that even when members of the unit were not tape recording events, they were still able to view the scene. Otherwise, what would be the point of ‘monitoring’?

Third, as the RUC’s own records show, the cameras enabled the covert team to identify vehicles, including reading their registration numbers from a considerable distance - an inconceivable task without the aid of zoom focusing.

We know the soldiers in the stakeout heard the gunfire that resulted in the death of Roseanne Mallon; whether ‘recording’ or ‘monitoring’, the big question remains what and who did they see?

According to documents relating to the case, the covert surveillance operation, which involved the deployment of covert British soldiers, was instigated and sanctioned by Special Branch. Two days after the killing of Roseanne Mallon a series of video tapes from the covert surveillance operation were given to a Special Branch officer known only as Constable A.

Constable A, who is believed to be have been a member of the Special Branch team who instigated the covert operation, is reported as having viewed over 28 hours of video footage before declaring there was nothing “to my knowledge which related to the murder of Roseanne Mallon”.

Constable A’s evaluation was passed to the then head of Special Branch in the South region, Chief Superintendent Frank Murray. Murray informed the CID’s Chief Superintendent, Maynard McBurney, about the camera but “nothing had been recorded”, said Murray. No further action was taken.

The in-house housekeeping had been done and dusted and it might have stayed that way. On 14 July, the RUC in Dungannon were informed by telephone by a local councillor that camera equipment had been uncovered close to the Mallon home. Deputy Sub Divisional Commander, Chief Inspector James Nixon, took the call. He denied all knowledge of the covert operation.

On 19 July, Detective Chief Inspector Kenneth McFarland was informed of the surveillance find by the Mallon family’s solicitor, Martin Donaghy. McFarland was ‘unaware’ of the covert operation.

On 27 July, UTV broadcast film footage of the equipment and interviewed Christopher Mallon. On camera Mallon said he believed the covert British unit had recorded the murder of his aunt and demanded the tapes be produced.

Two days later five videotapes and four logbooks were handed over to Chief Inspector Eric Anderson. Fourteen hours of tapes, from the day before the killing, were missing, as were some of the logbooks.

Almost a year later in April 1995, Anderson submitted his report to RUC Headquarters. The cameras could not have worked in darkness, concluded Anderson, and therefore were of “no value to the murder inquiry.”

While the ‘investigation’ was going nowhere, the inquest into the killing was being delayed. Last week, despite having already suffered an eight-year delay, a preliminary inquest hearing immediately ran into difficulties after it became clear that the RUC/PSNI had ‘failed’ to provide statements from the six undercover soldiers at the scene during the killing.

Curiously, despite the absence of the soldiers’ statements, which the court was told could be irrelevant to the inquest, the British Ministry of Defence sent a lawyer to the Coroner’s Court hearing. Someone, somewhere, it seems, is being remarkably vigilant in relation to information officially deemed of no value.

At the heart of this story is one sinister word and that word is ‘collusion’ and at the core there are two names, the Special Branch and loyalist killer Billy Wright.

An hour after the killing, Billy Wright and two others were arrested at a checkpoint. The three loyalists were driving away from the area and, they claimed, towards their homes in Portadown. At the time, Wright had told one of the arresting officers that if any firearms residue was found on his clothing he would claim that an RUC weapon had contaminated him.

In the event, the forensic evidence to link Wright with the shooting was inconclusive and the three man were released without charge.

The detectives investigating the killing had detailed information on Wright’s contacts just prior to the shooting and details of the vehicles they were driving. But were any of these cars, or the getaway car, on the Cullenrammer Road before the shooting?

Ignorant of the covert surveillance operation underway prior, during and after the killing, the detectives were unable to check details of the gang’s vehicles and witness statements describing a suspicious green hatchback car against the covert surveillance unit’s detailed log of traffic close to the Mallon house.

In the wake of the killing, a member of the Special Branch team who instigated the covert operation, Constable A, was tasked with viewing the secret video footage and logbooks. To Constable A’s ‘knowledge’, there was ‘nothing’ which related to the Roseanne Mallon murder.

Meanwhile the detectives with specific knowledge of the chief suspect’s contacts and their vehicles were being kept ignorant, not only of information captured on video but also the very existence of the video footage, logbooks and covert unit at the scene during the killing.

But there is an even more sinister twist in the tale. Evidence suggests that Special Branch collusion went much further than protecting a loyalist killer after the event. Amongst documents relating to the killing are two statements by one named individual.

Although named, unlike many of the other statements, the witness is not specifically identified as a member of the Crown forces. Yet in his statement, the witness describes himself as being ‘on duty’ and talks of completing a CI1 sheet.

Both statements refer to events on 4 May 1994, four days prior to the killing. The first statement refers of an incident at 10.45am, when the witness reports seeing Billy Wright as a passenger in a car amongst traffic on the Dungannon side of Moira.

The second statement refers to an incident at 8pm on the same day. The witness reports seeing one of Roseanne Mallon’s nephews driving out of Portadown and towards Dungannon.

The witness links these two separate incidents, on the grounds that the second vehicle was driving along a road where the witness had previously observed Billy Wright. Following the second sighting, the witness reports returning to ‘Dungannon’ and completing a ‘CI1 sheet’.

In other words, four days before the killing, Special Branch link the Mallon family to the subsequent chief suspect, Billy Wright. It is widely accepted that Billy Wright was a Crown forces agent, most probably attached to Special Branch.

The sighting of a member of the Mallon family driving along the same road over nine hours after Wright had been delayed in traffic, in the mind of the Crown forces witness, appeared to constitute a sufficient threat against their agent to warrant taking immediate action.

It is inconceivable that four days later the killing of Roseanne Mallon, by a loyalist death squad most probably led by Billy Wright, was coincidental. Did Special Branch ‘tip off’ their agent and by suggesting an imagined threat, set up the Mallon family for loyalist attack?

It has been suggested that in the case of Omagh, Special Branch reticence stemmed from a wish to keep their agents in place. In the Mallon case, the main beneficiary appears to have been the chief loyalist suspect and known mass sectarian murderer, Billy Wright.

An Phoblacht

By Mark Thompson

Mark Thompson - Relatives for Justice

Mark Thompson, Director of Relatives for Justice, calls for an independent investigation into Eric Anderson and a review of all murder investigations involving the former RUC man

Wednesday night’s re-screening of Insight (19 October) by UTV on the RUC handling of the abduction and murder of Arlene Arkinson once again brings into sharp focus major investigative failings by the authorities in the North. Crucially Insight also highlighted the failing of the entire policing and criminal justice system including the role of the DPP. Both prevented evidence from coming to light and which permitted the perpetrator to continue to prey on victims here and in England.

For many families across the country these failings are not new and they can empathise with the Arkinson family sharing both their experience and frustrations. Often these failings have been quite deliberate and to the advantage of the British state — functioning in many controversial killings to shield their complicity as they waged their dirty war.

Ironically, it was the DPP and the RUC who were heavily criticised in a landmark judgement by the European Court in May 2001 for major investigative failings. Indeed the unaccountable nature of the DPP, even beyond the remit of the Police Ombudsman, was singled out.

At the centre of the investigation into Arlene Arkinson was one of the RUC’s most senior members Chief Supt Eric Anderson. While viewers caught a glimpse of the real Eric Anderson, secretly filmed, scheming for money in return for an interview and access to crucial investigation documents he had stolen, and speaking disparagingly of the Arkinson family, my thoughts turned to the family of Tyrone pensioner Roseanne Mallon gunned down in her home by loyalists in May 1994.

Shortly after the killing of Roseanne, neighbours of the Mallon’s discovered wires and cameras secreted in hedgerows overlooking the Mallon home. On removing the cameras two helicopters arrived and camouflaged British soldiers emerged from two positions surrounding the property, boarded the helicopters and left.

Eric Anderson was involved in the investigation into Roseanne’s killing. His priority was to retrieve the cameras left behind. Anderson was consistently evasive as to how the British Army had failed to prevent the attack or apprehend the killers stating that it was a matter for others. It was established that the cameras transmitted footage to Mahon Barracks in Portadown where this was recorded. When the family asked for copies of the tape recordings Anderson stated that they did not exist.

Three years later the Mallon family successfully sued the British Ministry of Defence for trespass and criminal damage. In the course of the legal action statements from the British soldiers present on the night of the killing were disclosed. All stated that they were ordered “not to intervene” as the attack took place. A statement for soldier ‘A’ based at Mahon Barracks said that he gave DC Supt Eric Anderson five tapes of the transmissions, four log-books and a blank log book.

The family of Roseanne Mallon believes that vital evidence exists on these tapes that identify the killers. They want to know why the British soldiers were ordered not to intervene. They want to know what Eric Anderson did with the tapes, and log-books, and why Anderson needed a blank log-book. An inquest into the killing of Roseanne Mallon has been consistently delayed.

Speaking to UTV Live on Friday 14 October, after the initial Insight screening, a nephew of Roseanne, Martin Mallon, told viewers that he believed Eric Anderson had the tapes and that he was shielding the killers.

Motivated by greed and money it is now beyond question that Eric Anderson was corrupt and dishonest. The failure thus far of British Secretary of State Peter Hain to address the Eric Anderson issue stands in stark contrast to his denouncement of Fr Alex Reid in the House of Commons last week. The public need to hear from Peter Hain and Hugh Orde as to why Anderson has not been arrested for perverting the course of justice, and the stolen information retrieved. The Mallon family want Peter Hain to address the missing tapes and log-books.

Anderson was involved in “investigating” scores of killings in which collusion was alleged, and huge questions remain as to why these killings remain unsolved. The key question is on how many other murders does Eric Anderson hold files and vital information?

It is not acceptable for either Hugh Orde or Peter Hain to state that the Ombudsman will look into this — the remit of the Ombudsman is restricted and prevents it from taking action against any former serving officer or from examining the role of the DPP. Eric Anderson left the RUC citing his opposition to the Patten reforms.

If anything the exposé by Insight hardens the case for an accountable and transparent policing and criminal justice system and for this to be devolved.

The only logical step to be taken is an independent investigation into the activities of Eric Anderson — including a complete review of all the murder investigations he was involved in.

• Relatives for Justice (RFJ) is a regional human rights NGO and support organisation for victims and survivors of the conflict. RFJ have worked closely with the Mallon family in their legal quest for truth and justice since the killing of Roseanne.

BreakingNews.ie

27/10/2005 - 19:31:39

The Government tonight ruled out a public inquiry into the alleged murder of a Belfast man by RUC police informers.

Raymond McCord, 22, was beaten to death by a gang who later dumped his body in a quarry in north Belfast in November 1997.

Mr McCord’s father, Raymond Snr, later alleged that RUC special branch officers blocked the police inquiry into the murder because it implicated two Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) members who were both alleged police informers.

Northern Ireland Police Ombudsman Nuala O’Loan is currently completing a two-year investigation into the allegations by Mr McCord Snr.

Irish Labour Party leader Pat Rabbitte tonight claimed under parliamentary privilege in the Dáil parliament that two Special Branch informers Mark Haddock and John Bond were present when Mr McCord was murdered.

Mr Rabbitte called for an international public inquiry into the affair as soon as the Ombudsman’s report is published.

But Noel Treacy, Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, replied in the Dáil that the Government had complete confidence in the independence and competence of the Ombudsman’s office in carrying out a rigorous investigation.

He added: “In the context of the sensitive stage that the investigation has reached, any comment on the possible establishment of an independent inquiry into this issue would be premature.

“The government will continue to monitor developments in this case very closely and will give its immediate and careful consideration to the Ombudsman’s report and any recommendations it makes.”

The minister said the Ombudsman’s investigations were largely complete and that an interim report had been sent to the Public Prosecution Service in the North.

A final report will be seen to the PPS shortly and the public report will be released following the PPS’s deliberations.

Mr Rabbitte added under privilege: “Mr McCord has lost a 22-year-old son to a violent and ruthless organisation that seems to have operated with the surreptitious sanction of the police.

“We owe it to him and to all others who have lost family, friends and neighbours, to ensure that they receive justice.”

BBC

There are suspicions that RUC informers were not charged with murders because they were informants, the leader of the Irish Labour Party has said.

Irish Labour leader quoted former police officer Johnston Brown

Using parliamentary privilege, Pat Rabbitte referred to the 1997 murder of Raymond McCord Junior.

The case is being investigated by NI Police Ombudsman Nuala O’Loan.

Mr Rabbitte quoted Raymond McCord’s father as saying that at least two of the people who murdered his 22-year-old son were RUC informers.

In his speech in the Dail on Thursday, the Irish Labour leader quoted former police officer Johnston Brown as saying some people got away with murder because they were informants.

Mr Rabbitte said that once the ombudsman investigation into the case was concluded, there must be an international inquiry with guaranteed independence and impartiality.

Mr Rabbitte said: “Mr McCord has lost a 22-year-old son to a violent and ruthless organisation that seems to have operated with the surreptitious sanction of the police.

“We owe it to him and to all others who have lost family, friends and neighbours, to ensure that they receive justice.”

However, Minister of State Noel Treacy said the Irish government had complete confidence in the independence and competence of the ombudsman’s investigation.

“In the context of the sensitive stage that the investigation has reached, any comment on the possible establishment of an independent inquiry into this issue would be premature.

“The government will continue to monitor developments in this case very closely and will give its immediate and careful consideration to the ombudsman’s report and any recommendations it makes.”

::: u.tv :::

THURSDAY 27/10/2005 17:57:17

A senior Ulster Unionist was tonight seeking an urgent meeting with Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern over moves to invite Northern Ireland’s MPs to take part in a special committee in the Irish Republic’s parliament.

By:Press Association

In a letter to party leaders in the Irish Republic, Mr Ahern revealed he was hoping to set up a committee in the Dail which would involve the nine Democratic Unionist MPs, five Sinn Fein, three SDLP and one Ulster Unionist MP.

However, the Taoiseach was accused by former UUP Environment Minister Dermot Nesbitt of striking out the principle of unity by consent in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.

In a letter obtained by PA, the Taoiseach recalled an all-party committee in the Republic`s Houses of Parliament had in March 2002 felt it would be valuable to draw from the expertise of Northern Ireland MPs on issues relating to Northern Ireland and the Agreement.

“I share this view and in a spirit consistent with the constitutional principles underlying the Good Friday Agreement and the conclusions of the all-party committee, I now wish to explore how we might take this proposal forward,” he wrote.

“For my part, I would propose in the context of developments that lead to restored trust and confidence that Northern Ireland MPs be invited to make periodic presentations regarding Northern Ireland and the Good Friday Agreement in a committee of the whole House and participate in exchanges on these matters in keeping with existing committee procedures which facilitate input from outside membership of the Dail.

“This proposal would not involve speaking rights or privileges in the Dail.

“It would be for the Dail to order the business of the committee and any arrangements would be a matter for agreement among the parties.

“Of course I fully agree with the all-party committee that participation should take place on a cross-community basis with parity of esteem for the different communities in Northern Ireland.

“This matter is ultimately one for the Dail itself to agree but, subject to such agreement, I would envisage that the committee would meet at least every six months, with the first meeting to be held in early 2006.”

While Sinn Fein and SDLP leader Mark Durkan welcomed the Taoiseach`s plan, Mr Nesbitt said the move flew in the face of good neighbourliness.

“At one stroke the Taoiseach has undermined the principle of consent. He has acquiesced in proposals, which seek to introduce a united Ireland by stealth,” the South Down MLA said.

“He has shown himself to be an accomplice in Sinn Fein`s crime of subverting the democratic process.

“I never cease to be amazed at the chasm in understanding of some nationalists towards the unionist position.

“I now witness a Taoiseach that is seemingly prepared to act both outside international law and against his own Constitution in order to placate the demands of aggressive nationalism. And then, as unionists, we are supposed to act as good neighbours?

“The Ulster Unionist Party will pursue this issue with determination and vigour. This is not just about speaking rights but about the overall attitude of the Irish Government to good neighbourliness.

“Quite frankly, it is not the Irish Government`s business, or for the Irish Senate, to initiate any measure to accommodate the aggressive demands of the Republican Movement.”

Although the proposal fell short of Sinn Fein`s demands that Northern Ireland MPs should be able to represent their constituents in Irish Parliamentary debates, it was welcomed by the party`s leader in the Dail, Caoimhghin O Caolain.

The Cavan and Monaghan TD said: “While this proposal does not involve full representation, it is clearly a step forward. Full representation and full participation remains Sinn Fein`s goal.

“It is now for the parties in the Oireachtas to agree the format of this special committee of the whole Dail and I urge them to do so as soon as possible so that the first meeting can go ahead on the resumption of the Dail after the Christmas recess.

“I look forward to welcoming representatives from the Six Counties to Leinster House in 2006.”

SDLP leader Mark Durkan said it was a positive step forward.

The Foyle MP also welcomed the Taoiseach`s commitment to the setting up of a North South Parliamentary Forum, which would be drawn from the Dail and the Northern Ireland Assembly including unionist members.

“This has the capacity to change relationships across this island fundamentally,” said the former Stormont Deputy First Minister.

“It can drive the North South Parliamentary Forum the North South agenda and the full delivery of the Agreement.

“We are glad the Taoiseach is committed to achieving this. He should leave no stone unturned in pursuing this goal. Today`s announcement must not be used to undermine the case for the Forum or impair its future work.”

The leader of the Irish Republic`s Labour Party Pat Rabbitte expressed concern that the proposed committee would be boycotted by the DUP and Ulster Unionists and would also undermine efforts to revive the devolved institutions at Stormont.

In a letter to Mr Ahern, the Dublin South West TD argued: “I believe that the absolute priority for all democrats on this island should be the earliest possible restoration of the democratic institutions provided for in the Good Friday Agreement.

“It is my strongly held view that proceeding with your proposals would not only make more difficult the restoration of the democratic institutions in Northern Ireland, but might well make that objective politically impossible.

“In this regard, can I specifically ask you: `would you envisage proceeding with this proposal if it were clear that any offer of participation would be taken up by political representatives of the nationalist community only?”`

Democratic Unionist deputy leader Peter Robinson tonight ruled out his party`s participation in the proposed committee.

And while the East Belfast MP said the letter appeared to fall short of Sinn Fein`s expectations, unionists would not tolerate any arrangement which gave Northern Ireland MPs the same status as TDs on a committee.

“If it transpires that Northern Ireland MPs are to become members of this committee as of right instead of invitees and are treated on an equal basis with those who are members of the southern Parliament, then we will consider this to be a quasi-constitutional claim on Northern Ireland,” he said.

“Such an unfriendly act of aggression against Northern Ireland`s sovereignty would not be tolerated.

“The Republic`s constitutional claim frustrated cooperation with Northern Ireland for decades.

“The Irish Government should not jeopardise the prospect of a proper, constructive relationship between our two countries. Disturbing the present constitutional balance would be a short-sighted step with far-reaching and long-term consequences.”

Daily Ireland

Commissioner condemns ‘appalling’ conditions

Ciaran O’Neill

the children’s commissioner in the North yesterday said young disabled people faced appalling conditions when being treated in the region’s hospitals.
Nigel Williams spoke out as a new report put forward 80 recommendations in a bid to improve hospital services for disabled children.
Mr Williams described the findings of the Care at its Best report as damning.
“The picture it paints of the treatment of some disabled young people is appalling,” he said.
“It is clear from this report that we don’t have enough of the right kind of provision to meet the needs of today’s disabled young people.
“We have too many children in adult wards or in old, crowded and depressing institutions, which in some ways are reminiscent of eastern Europe.”
The team involved in putting together the report examined services available for disabled children at eight leading hospitals.
The survey was co-ordinated by the Social Services Inspectorate at the Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety.
Paul Martin, chief inspector at the inspectorate, said many areas of good practice had been identified but said many improvements needed to be made.
“The report provides a framework of 80 recommendations to improve the service for children in hospital and their families,” he said.
“These include more co-ordinated services planning, focused assessment and care planning for each child, professionals in hospital working better together as a team, improved communication and support for children and their families, enhanced staff training and development, and ensuring that there are sufficient community services to support the work being carried out by hospitals,” he said.
Mr Martin said one of the main themes in the report was the need for an integrated departmental policy on disabled children to provide proper direction to health boards and trusts in their future service development.
“The department is currently developing a health and social services strategic framework for children to keep pace with local, regional, national and international changes in service provision and policy for children,” he said.
“This framework will be significantly informed by the Care at its Best report.
“Everyone wants what’s best for children in hospital and this includes strengthening and supporting families.
“Proper clinical, social care, education and cultural networks are also necessary to make the child’s stay in hospital as effective and as short as possible.
“That is why the department will now be working with boards and trusts to ensure that the recommendations are fully implemented so that disabled children in hospital and their families can, in reality, experience care at its best.”
The hospitals inspected were: Altnagelvin Hospital, Antrim Hospital, Forster Green Hospital Longstone Hospital, Muckamore Abbey Hospital, the Royal Belfast Hospital for Sick Children, St Luke’s Hospital, and the Young People’s Centre.

BBC

Police have searched more than 20 homes and business premises in County Tyrone and Belfast in an investigation into dissident republican activity.

The searches, by the PSNI’s Organised Crime Squad, were concentrated in Strabane.

Searches also took place on the Falls Road in Belfast and in Castlederg.

No arrests were made, but cash and cigarettes, along with computer equipment and a large amount of documentation, were recovered.

Police said the searches were “part of an ongoing investigation into an organised criminal network” operating in Strabane.

Sinn Féin

Published: 27 October, 2005

Sinn Féin Spokesperson on Collusion, West Tyrone MP Pat Doherty has said that the revelations a report from the Police Ombudsman will implicate at least 6 RUC Special Branch Officer in a number of UVF murders through Special Branch agent Mark Haddock will come as no surprise to the hundreds of victims of British government policy collusion.

Mr Doherty said:

“It is now undeniable that there was a widespread and systematic policy of collision between the RUC and British Army and Loyalist paramilitaries, particularly involving RUC Special Branch.

“It will come as no surprise to the hundreds of victims of the British government’s policy of state sanctioned murder and collusion that this report will implicate a number of RUC Special Branch officers in UVF murders.

“Indeed reports that RUC Special Branch stepped in to protect one of its’ agents, Mark Haddock, from investigation is part of a well established pattern. The fact that it is claimed that this RUC agent then went on to commit a number of further murders makes the Special Branch directly complicit.

“Sinn Féin is determined to achieve a new beginning to policing. This means that the British government must come clean on its’ policy of collusion and that the RUC human rights abusers who transfer ed en masse into the PSNI should be weeded out.” ENDS

Irelandclick.com

by Damian McCarney

Violet Street, once dominated by an imposing PSNI barracks, is once again blossoming. New housing where the Springfield Road barracks once stood are almost completed and the new occupants will be moving in within weeks.

The development, constructed by North and West Housing, vastly improves Violet Street’s appearance but the rest of the street still stands dilapidated after decades of neglect.

When the Springfield Road barracks occupied Violet Street, its immense perimeter wall stood only six feet from the front doors of the houses, starving the homes of natural light. The wall structure also caused significant damage to the road surface, which to date has not been repaired.

The Roads Service have confirmed that street reconstruction works will commence around mid-November, and should be completed within a four-week period. Meanwhile Malachy McKinney, the Greater West Belfast Strategy Manager with the Housing Executive, said that the existing Violet Street residents could soon benefit from a scheme to improve their homes.

“Group Repair Schemes are currently on site at three locations within West Belfast [Springfield Road, Beechmount and Upton Cottages]. We have also carried out extensive consultation with the community and their representatives regarding the planned Group Repair Scheme at Violet Street which is scheduled to begin next year.

“Work carried out under Group Repair assists homeowners to improve the external structure of their properties by providing, if needed, new roofs, guttering, chimneys, window and door replacement, re-pointing, and work to boundary walls and fences.”

Lower Falls councillor Tom Hartley has been lobbying statutory agencies on behalf of the Violet Street residents to ensure that the appropriate repairs are undertaken, and has welcomed the Roads Service’s and the Housing Executive’s commitment to improving the street.

“With the new houses improving the image of the area, it is imperative that everything that can be done is done for the existing Violet Street houses which endured the most intolerable conditions for decades.”

Journalist:: Damien McCarney

Irelandclick.com

by Roisin McManus

One of the priests at the centre of the horrific child sex abuse detailed in the Ferns Report served in a parish in West Belfast.

Fr James Doyle served in St Agnes’ Parish in Andersonstown from 1974 to 1979.

St Agnes’ was Fr Doyle’s first parish and contemporary Andersonstown News reports say that he worked closely with young people during his time here.

Auxiliary Bishop of Down and Connor Donal McKeown, speaking to the Andersonstown News last night, confirmed that Fr Doyle had served in West Belfast. He said that no complaints had been made against the cleric during his time in West Belfast.

The Irish government inquiry into child sex abuse in the County Wexford Diocese of Ferns uncovered over 100 allegations of sexual abuse by priests.
Allegations were made against 21 priests working in Ferns between 1966 and 2002, including Father Doyle.

The damning report was highly critical of bishops in their failure to take measures to protect children and said that Garda investigations into the claims of abuse were insufficient. The Ferns Report is the culmination of a two-year investigation into the allegations. The 271-page document says that priests who were accused of abusing children were transferred to a different post or diocese, but were later returned to their former positions.

Fr Doyle began abusing in St Peter’s Seminary in County Wexford. A staff member reported that the priest had attempted to molest a student some time between 1972 and 1973. The college dismissed the report. The priest’s ordination was postponed but took place a year later.

After serving in St Agnes’, Fr Doyle returned to his native Wexford where a short time later a priest was told by an altar boy that he had been molested by Fr Doyle. A further three instances of abuse are detailed in the Ferns Report. The cleric was sent to Dublin for psychiatric assessment which concluded that Fr Doyle should not work with young people, however the assessment was not heeded.

In the early 1990s a 12-year-old boy was assaulted by Fr Doyle and the matter was reported to the Garda Siochana. The priest was convicted of indecent assault on the boy and has since been defrocked.

Auxiliary Bishop of Down and Connor Donal McKeown said that child sex abuse has to be condemned and deplored.

“I understand that local people may have fears but I can say that during his time at St Agnes’ no complaints were made against James Doyle,” said Bishop McKeown.

The Bishop said that the Ferns Report revealed that trust had been abused.
“No matter how few or how many allegations are made, that is one too many.

“It is horrific to discover what happened and to discover that it was allowed to continue. Clearly people’s lives have been ruined and child sex abuse leaves horrific scars and the effects are very deep. We apologise of course for this abuse and hope that the victims will get the help and support they need.”

Journalist:: Roisin McManus

Belfast Telegraph

By David Gordon
27 October 2005

Detectives probing the £26.5m Northern Bank robbery have yet to arrest and question a single suspect, MPs have been told.

But Security Minister Shaun Woodward has insisted that police remain “confident” that the gang responsible will be brought to justice.

The robbery, just before Christmas last year, was the world’s biggest bank cash heist.

It plunged the Northern Ireland peace process into crisis, with PSNI Chief Constable Sir Hugh Orde publicly blaming the Provisional IRA - a claim which has been denounced by Sinn Fein.

Mr Woodward has now told the Commons: “To date no-one has been arrested or detained and subsequently interviewed by the Police Service of Northern Ireland in relation to the robbery.”

Mr Woodward, who was replying to written questions from DUP deputy leader Peter Robinson, also stated: “PSNI are fully committed to bringing the perpetrators to justice and are confident of a successful outcome to the investigation.”

The minister pointed to cash discovered by gardai in Cork as part of a money-laundering investi- gation.

He said the Garda believed over £2.4m of the seized haul came from the Northern Bank robbery.

Mr Woodward said the dedicated team of PSNI detectives investigating the robbery is working closely with counterparts in the Republic.

The PSNI stated in June that over 3,600 actions had been carried out as part of its investigation.

This newspaper revealed two months later that the team probing the heist was being significantly reduced.

BreakingNews.ie

27/10/2005 - 11:34:27

Northern Ireland MPs will be invited to sit on a special committee in the Dáil dealing with issues affecting them, Sinn Féin said today.

Sinn Féin’s leader in the Dáil, Caoimhghin O Caolain, said he and other party leaders in the Republic had received a letter from Taoiseach Bertie Ahern confirming plans to form a special committee focussing on issues affecting Northern Ireland and the Good Friday Agreement which would involve the North’s 18 Westminster MPs from early next year.

The move would enable Sinn Féin’s five MPs including Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness to sit on the committee.

Democratic Unionist leader the Rev Ian Paisley and his eight Westminster colleagues would also be invited.

However, it is believed the DUP will turn the seats down.

Nationalist SDLP leader Mark Durkan and his two fellow MPs would also be entitled to seats on the committee as would the Ulster Unionists’ sole MP, Lady Sylvia Hermon.

Mr O’Caolain, Sinn Féin’s TD for Cavan and Monaghan, said: “The Taoiseach has informed me, together with other party leaders, by letter this morning that he is to invite MPs from the Six Counties to participate in the Dáil through ‘a Committee of the whole House’ which will discuss matters relating to the Good Friday Agreement and the North of Ireland.

“It would meet at least every six months.”

Mr O Caolain said it was now for the political parties in the Dáil to decide the format of the committee.

“This is a very important development and represents welcome progress. Throughout the peace process Sinn Féin has been campaigning for Dail representation for people in the Six Counties.

“While this proposal does not involve full representation, it is clearly a step forward. Full representation and full participation remains Sinn Féin’s goal.

“It is now for the parties in the Oireachtas to agree the format of this special committee of the whole Dáil and I urge them to do so as soon as possible so that the first meeting can go ahead on the resumption of the Dáil after the Christmas recess.

“I look forward to welcoming representatives from the Six Counties to Leinster House in 2006.”

In negotiations to restore devolved government in Northern Ireland last December, Sinn Féin had pressed for Northern Ireland MPs and MEPs to be given speaking rights in Dáil debates.

BBC

A policewoman has sustained a suspected fractured skull after being hit with a brick as she attended a car accident in north Belfast.

The officer and two colleagues had stopped on the Ligoniel Road, at about 2045 BST on Wednesday, after a pedestrian was knocked down.

It is thought the brick was thrown from behind a wall near Ligoniel Youth Club.

The police said the attack was disgraceful. It is not thought the pedestrian was seriously injured.

Inspector Gavin Kirkpatrick of the PSNI condemned the attack.

He said: “It is disgraceful that police officers should be attacked while carrying out their duty and providing assistance to members of the public.”

The police want anyone with information about the incident to contact them.

Irish Examiner

27 October 2005
By Seán McCárthaigh

A VICTIM of clerical abuse has criticised Taoiseach Bertie Ahern for being “populist” in his rush to recommend a nationwide investigation into child sex abuse by priests.

Andrew Madden, who was sexually abused by Dublin priest Fr Ivan Payne, claimed Mr Ahern had dismissed his calls seven years ago for a similar national inquiry into the Catholic church’s handling of allegations of sexual abuse of children by priests.

He has also complained about a four-year delay by the Justice Minister Michael McDowell in establishing a promised inquiry into the behaviour of church authorities in the archdiocese of Dublin.

The former altar boy, the first person in Ireland to go public about his experience of clerical sex abuse, said his appeal for a countrywide inquiry to the Taoiseach in 1998 had fallen on deaf ears. “The Taoiseach didn’t see fit at the time to establish a national inquiry. However, it seems he’s done a U-turn and is in favour of such an inquiry now in anticipation of public outrage following the Ferns report,” Mr Madden said yesterday. He wrote to the Taoiseach in 1998 to call for the establishment of a public inquiry into the issue because of growing public concern about how the church dealt with allegations against priests.

In a reply dated June 9, 1998 Mr Ahern’s private secretary, writing on the Taoiseach’s behalf, said such an inquiry “would not be appropriate.” The letter claimed the Government could only establish tribunals of inquiry where there were “definite matters of urgent public importance.” It also observes: “There would also be an intrinsic, and probably legally challengeable (sic), unfairness in a process which focused on the Catholic Church and abuse by clergy.” Furthermore, it added: “The scale of such enquiries would be very great indeed; so great in fact that it is difficult to see how they could ever be effective.”

Commenting on the letter, Mr Madden remarked: “The Taoiseach clearly took the decision (in 1998) to put his political welfare above that of children by turning a blind eye to the problem.”

He said the Government had only been prompted into setting up inquiries into the dioceses of Ferns and Dublin after BBC’s Suing the Pope and RTÉ’s Cardinal Secrets. Mr Madden also blamed Mr McDowell for “a snail’s rate of progress” in the Dublin investigation which still has no chairperson, buildings or staff. However, he predicted the findings of such an inquiry could ultimately be “at least as bad as Ferns”.

In 1993, the former Archbishop of Dublin, Cardinal Desmond Connell lent Fr Payne around €30,000 from diocesan funds to compensate Mr Madden, even though he later denied knowledge of any such payments.

Fr Payne, a former curate in the Dublin suburbs of Glasnevin and Sutton, was convicted in 1998 of 13 sample charges of indecently assaulting young boys including some who were patients at Our Lady’s Hospital for Sick Children, Crumlin where he served as chaplain. He was released from prison in 2002 after serving four and a half years of a six-year sentence.

Mr Madden’s story of abuse, Altar Boy, has sold around 50,000 copies.

Irish Independent

THE British government is to announce legislation that would grant amnesty to terrorists on the run.

And it is feared it may scupper a €35m criminal investigation into thousands of unsolved terrorist murders in Northern Ireland.

Unionists reacted furiously yesterday to the announcement by Peter Hain, the Northern Ireland Secretary, that the law would be published “reasonably soon . . . probably early next month”.

Allowing the return of “on-the-runs” was once a key demand by Sinn Fein.

Unionists have accused Tony Blair’s government of doing a secret deal to secure the recent announcement by the IRA that its campaign of violence was over.

Among those who would immediately benefit from such legislation would be Rita O’Hare, Sinn Fein’s Washington spokesperson who went on the run in the early 1970s after being charged with terrorist offences.

Mr Hain told the first sitting of the new Northern Ireland Affairs Committee that the government would take advice from the police about who should qualify for the amnesty.

He said provided that the offender was not a supporter of a paramilitary organisation, was not observing a “ceasefire”, such as that currently being undertaken by the Real IRA, and had not committed any new offence since 1998, they may be eligible.

Mr Hain also said there would be a separate category of offenders who have never yet been identified or charged, because of a major “cold case” review of 2,120 killings. The review, which is being headed by David Cox, a former Metropolitan Police commander, is the largest of its kind in British criminal history.

SHATTERED

Sammy Wilson, MP for East Antrim, said that families would be shattered if, once identified, the murderers of their loved ones obtained amnesty.

Meanwhile, Finance Minister Brian Cowen yesterday visited a hardline loyalist estate and called for more European money to sustain peace initiatives.

He said the return of power-sharing would strengthen appeals for additional funding when the EU budget is redrawn.

After meeting locals in the Taughmonagh area of south Belfast, Mr Cowen also urged loyalist paramilitaries to follow the IRA and decommission.

“If we can get the political process back up and running it should inject a lot of momentum into the argument we will make on these peoples’ behalf,” he added.

David Sharrock