SAOIRSE32

21/11/2005

Justice Minister tackles drugs in prisons

RTE

21 November 2005 17:13

The Minister for Justice, Michael McDowell, has announced tough measures cracking down on the use of illegal drugs within Ireland’s 14 prisons.

The new policy will include mandatory drugs testing, the use of detection dogs and increased security during visits.

Mr McDowell announced the initiative to a gathering of prison governors in Portlaoise prison this afternoon.
Advertisement

He said he would no longer tolerate a culture of drugs within the prison population.

Mr McDowell also announced that he will be bringing proposals to Government for new statutory sentencing powers which will include allowing the courts to impose orders on restricting movement and electronic monitoring.

Shell Ireland concerned over blockades

RTE

21 November 2005 18:14


Mayo protestors object to Corrib Gas Field development

Shell Ireland has said it is extremely concerned that two of its sites in north Mayo, at Bellanaboy and Rossport, have been blockaded by protestors objecting to the development of the Corrib Gas Field.

The Shell to Sea campaign group says its members are willing to negotiate in relation to any work the company may want to carry out on either site.

Five men from the Rossport area were jailed for 94 days earlier this year for contempt of court arising from their opposition to the laying of an onshore pipeline.

DUP seeking talks with Loyalist Commission head

BreakingNews.ie

21/11/2005 - 14:50:27

Ian Paisley’s Democratic Unionist Party is seeking talks with the head of an organisation which has loyalist paramilitaries among its members, it emerged today.

Contact has been made with the Rev Mervyn Gibson, chairman of the Loyalist Commission, about a meeting before Christmas.

MPs Peter Robinson and Nigel Dodds have been suggested as possible representatives in an initiative to help steer the paramilitaries away from crime.

Loyalist sources who believe it is the first part of a plan to open up direct dialogue with the paramilitaries claimed it marked a huge shift in DUP thinking.

But the party insisted any discussions would be on an individual basis.

A DUP spokesman said: “The party would have, and will have, no difficulty sitting down to a meeting with the Rev Mervyn Gibson to discuss a wide range of issues.”

So far the DUP has refused to become involved with the Commission because it includes Ulster Defence Association and Ulster Volunteer Force representatives.

Clergymen and political representatives also sit on the umbrella organisation set up to stop feuds between rival loyalist terror groups and aid working class Protestant districts.

The Rev Gibson has gained the respect of mainstream unionist politicians for his influential peace work with the paramilitaries.

He helped broker a truce in the UVF’s bloody dispute with the splinter Loyalist Volunteer Force which claimed four lives this summer. The LVF went on to claim it had stood down its men.

With his standing enhanced, it is understood the DUP has identified him as someone they can trust.

The party is believed to feel it has a duty, as the dominant force in unionism, to help build community infrastructures in deprived areas.

That view has led to the Rev Gibson being sounded out about a possible meeting.

“The DUP realise they can’t just sit back and say loyalism needs to do this and that,” a loyalist source said.

“There’s a recognition that they need to see what they can do to support it.

“Some think this is about telling loyalists face to face what to do, but others believe its more progressive and about giving some help.

“Either way, it’s a major change in attitude.”

The Rev Gibson refused to comment on any meeting.

He said: “The Commission is always open to engage with anyone.”

Army attack accused goes on trial

BBC


Michael Rogan is charged with bombing an army barracks

A Belfastman who was on the run accused of bombing Northern Ireland’s Army headquarters in County Antrim has gone on trial.

Michael Gerard Rogan was arrested in Tenerife in October 2004 and extradited back to Northern Ireland.

The 45-year-old, from Easton Avenue in Belfast, is charged with conspiring to cause explosions at Thiepval Barracks, Lisburn, in 1996.

A soldier was killed and 33 other people were injured in the IRA attack.

The accused was granted bail in November 1997, but failed to appear back in court and a warrant was issued for his arrest.

On Monday, Belfast Crown Court was told Mr Rogan supplied the two Volvo cars used in the bomb attacks.

He denies causing the two explosions and two further charges of collecting information useful to terrorists.

‘Computer files’

Trial judge Mr Justice McLaughlin was told it was the prosecution case that Mr Rogan paid almost £9,000 for the two cars used in the bombings.

A prosecution lawyer alleged that between April 1994 and the following February, Mr Rogan collected information on prison staff and members of the security forces from the records of private healthcare company BUPA.

The lawyer said the defendant, using false documentation, began working for BUPA, giving him access to computer files with details on prison staff and members of the security forces.

The Crown case is that computer printouts and discs taken from BUPA were later uncovered in a search of Mr Rogan’s home and another address.

The accused’s fingerprints were found on some of the documents, said the prosecution.

Irish Passport Office possibility for Derry

Sinn Féin

Published: 20 November, 2005

Sinn Féin Mid Ulster MP Martin McGuinness has said that he is confident that the campaign for an Irish passport office in the north will be successful in the very near future.

Mr. Mc Guinness said,

“Sinn Fein has argued consistently that the Irish government has a responsibility to defend the rights of Irish citizens in the north and to extend to them the fullest entitlements and benefits of Irish citizenship. In line with this, a scheme was put in place, a number of years ago, to allow Irish passports to be ordered through post offices in the north.

“The take up has been phenomenal, including among unionists, and, as a result, Sinn Fein proposed that an office for the processing of Irish passports be opened in the north. This would also bring much-needed jobs to an employment black spot such as Derry. We raised this issue again at our meeting with the Irish and British governments on Monday last.

“I believe that the Irish government now fully accepts the logic of our proposal and that we will shortly see the announcement of an Irish passport office, probably in Derry, employing a considerable number of people.” ENDS

Man who injured car thief faces a Christmas in jail

Daily Ireland

Róisín McManus

Image Hosted by ImageShack.us

A Belfast man facing a retrial for attacking a suspected car thief said yesterday he hoped he would not spend Christmas behind bars.
Kieran Milnes was sentenced to nine months in prison in October 2004, after pleading guilty to causing grievous bodily harm to a teenager who he alleges was trying to steal his girlfriend’s car.
Mr Milnes was released on bail in December 2004 after a public outcry and campaigning by his family, who travelled to London to meet the attorney general.
In June this year, an appeal court quashed his conviction and ordered a retrial, which is to be held today.
Since his release, Mr Milnes and his family, with the help of the campaign group Families Bereaved Through Car Crime and the Belfast West assembly member Michael Ferguson, have kept the case in the public eye and called for the retrial to be abandoned. Mr Milnes last night said the support he had received leading up to the retrial had been fantastic.
“I am a bit nervous about the case. If the case doesn’t go my way tomorrow, there isn’t much I can do about it but I will appeal straight away.
“If I do go back to jail, I will never again have any trust in the police or the justice system, and I’ll admit I am a little bit bitter and angry,” he said.
He said he had contemplated the fact that he might spend Christmas behind bars.
“I have a good case, and I know that I am going in with an honest case. I know I am innocent and that gives me confidence,” he said.
Families Bereaved Through Car Crime will hold a protest today outside the court in Craigavon, Co Armagh, ahead of the case being heard.
Kieran Conlon — who lost his 21-year-old son Kieran to so-called joyriders — said: “If a person like Kieran [Milnes] had stopped those car thieves stealing the cars that killed our children, we would not be living with the pain and sorrow each day.”
Kevin Fitzpatrick, whose 28-year-old wife Dana and eight-year-old son Kevin were killed by death drivers, said: “It is very disheartening and very seriously wrong when a victim becomes victimised by the law he called to for help.”

Fourteen warnings of loyalist threats in two years

Daily Ireland

Connla Young

A Belfast man has been warned 14 times in the past two years by the PSNI that his life is under threat from loyalists.
Seán Hayes, a former Sinn Féin councillor in Belfast, was visited by the PSNI last week and advised to step up his personal security after intelligence files went missing from a PSNI station in east Belfast in July 2004.
Mr Hayes is among an estimated 400 people across the North whose personal details were contained in files removed from Castlereagh barracks last year.
After the incident, almost 30 members of the Royal Irish Regiment were removed from the barracks to other locations.
Mr Hayes yesterday accused the British government of deliberately withholding information about the Castlereagh controversy.
“They knew about this last year and yet they have said nothing for over 16 months. That was a policy decision taken 16 months ago,” he said.
“The British government has lied about this. I have received 14 visits from the PSNI in the past two years. If we go further back, it’s dozens. I’ve lost count.
“The two PSNI men who advised me to step up my security laughed when I asked them where I would get such advice. The British government have armed the people who have my details and now they are giving them intelligence.
“The PSNI should just put my personal details on their website or, if loyalists want them, they should call their local station, where I’m sure they’d be happy to hand them over.
“By holding back this information, the British took a decision to endanger up to 400 lives. I am a single parent with responsibilities for children but there’s no support for me and others. Nobody is going to buy my house or give me protection.”
Pat Doherty, Sinn Féin’s spokesman on collusion, yesterday called on those contacted by the PSNI in recent days to get in touch with his party.
“Sinn Féin is anxious to quantify exactly how many people were told that their files are in the hands of unionist death squads as result of the Castlereagh collusion scandal,” said Mr Doherty.
“No doubt it is in the hundreds but exactly how many is unclear at present. I am therefore appealing to anyone who has been visited by the PSNI in recent days to contact their nearest Sinn Fein centre so that we can see the extent and breadth of this latest collusion scandal.
“Some for of collective action may be necessary in the near future to force the PSNI, British Army, the NIO and the British government into revealing more details of what went on ion Castlereagh in July 2004 and why it has taken so long to inform nationalists and republicans that their lives were in danger.”

Orde and SDLP gang up on Sinn Féin

Daily Ireland

Two parties in war of words after PSNI chief constable Hugh Orde says republicans should join Policing Board

Connla Young

Image Hosted by ImageShack.us

The SDLP and Sinn Féin were last night locked in a new war of words over policing in the North.
The dispute was sparked yesterday after the SDLP justice spokesman Alban Maginness branded Sinn Féin’s approach to policing as “self-defeating”.
Sinn Féin West Tyrone assembly member Barry McElduff hit back, accusing the SDLP of attempting to justify its “failed” position on policing.
The north Belfast SDLP man’s remarks came on the same day that PSNI chief constable Hugh Orde urged Sinn Féin to join the Policing Board.
Hugh Orde told RTÉ yesterday that republicans should sign up to policing structures.
“I cannot see any reason why they should not engage in policing and come onto the Policing Board,” he said.
The policing row between the SDLP and Sinn Féin broke out less than a week after up to 400 people across the North were told their personal details were in the hands of loyalists. Members of the Royal Irish Regiment took PSNI files from Castlereagh police barracks in east Belfast last year.
Despite the serious security breach, Mr Maginness said Sinn Féin should do more to encourage a debate on the devolution of justice matters.
“The longer Sinn Féin delays on policing, the harder it is going to be to get the devolution of justice,” he said.
“They need to realise that their stance of staying off the board is not only anti-Patten, as Patten himself has confirmed — it is also anti-devolution of justice.
“It makes getting the confidence for everybody to sign up to the devolution of justice even more difficult to achieve. The truth is that Sinn Féin’s stance on policing is self-defeating. They need to rethink it urgently.”
Sinn Féin’s Barry McElduff last night said his party was engaging in the wider policing debate.
“The SDLP have lost the nationalist plebiscite on policing in terms of recent elections.
“Sinn Féin accurately reflects the mood and demands of nationalist people for proper policing. I find that the SDLP are constantly involved in rants of self-justification and are very defensive when this issue is raised,” he said.
“Within the nationalist family, Sinn Féin has won the debate in terms of their approach to policing and the political process.
“Sinn Féin is involved in attempting to secure acceptable policing arrangements that includes high-level political talks involving Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams.”
The British government is involved in drawing up legislation dealing with the devolution of justice matters.
Mr Maginness said no attempt should be made to water down current policing arrangements in the North. He called for the retention of the 50-50 quota rule, despite calls by Policing Board vice-chairman Denis Bradley at the SDLP’s recent annual conference for the quota to be scrapped.
The SDLP man said: “We are warning them that this legislation must be honest and must be Patten-compliant. We are also warning Sinn Féin that their refusal to join the policing institutions has delayed and may continue to delay devolution of powers.
“There must be no attempt by the British to get at the powers of the Policing Board or the Police Ombudsman, either by the front door or the back door.
“The legislation must also protect the 50-50 quota and the Parades Commission from being dismantled.”

Lollipop policy is at a crossroads

Belfast Telegraph

Schools in road safety posts row

By Kathryn Torney
21 November 2005

One of Northern Ireland’s education boards is to review its replacement school crossing patrol policy following a storm over road safety at two Belfast primary schools.

Parents of pupils at Brooklands Primary and Braniel Primary have been battling to get a permanent patrol at their schools after the posts became vacant.

Brooklands’ former lollipop man retired, while the crossing patrol man at Braniel Primary died last month.

In both cases, the board originally said the patrol would be scrapped but went on to put temporary crossing staff in place.

Following a meeting last Thursday, Nicky McBride, assistant senior education officer at the South Eastern Education and Library Board (SEELB), said: “The General Purposes Committee agreed to review its policy in relation to vacated school crossing patrol posts at its next meeting in January 2006.

“In light of this a temporary school crossing patrol was installed at Braniel Primary on a without prejudice and precedent basis.”

Last week, it emerged that Brookland parents are threatening to take SEELB to court in a bid to get their children’s school crossing patrol reinstated.

Castlereagh Alliance councillor Michael Long welcomed news of the temporary reprieve for the patrols.

But he added: “I would appeal for the board to scrap the need to reassess the traffic at each site when a post becomes vacant.

“Surely if it is deemed necessary for lollipop staff before someone retires, it should be equally necessary afterwards.

“The whole exercise smacks of cost-cutting and I fear that it will put the lives of local children at risk.”

He wants the crisis in crossing patrol staff addressed.

US smear claim by McCartney sisters

Belfast Telegraph

By Sean O’Driscoll
21 November 2005

Repulicans are using a “smear campaign” to distort the McCartney sisters’ message to Irish Americans, one of the sisters has said at the end of a week-long visit to Washington.

Catherine McCartney, who travelled with her sisters last week to meet with US politicians, including senators Hillary Clinton and Ted Kennedy, said that many Irish Americans were living in the past and looked at the IRA too favourably.

She said that there was a “whispering campaign” against the sisters in the United States that was trying to link their campaign on behalf of their brother to pro-British political causes.

“Irish Americans are getting the belief that we’re not just looking for justice, that we are looking for something more than that. That’s why we’re going to have to do more to educate people in the US,” she said.

She added that she had used her own credit card to pay for her and her sisters to travel to the US and that they would have to chip in to pay the bill.

“We need to get it through to people that the IRA of the 1980s and the early 1990s no longer exists and that Ireland has changed very much,” she said.

She said that she has the strong feeling that pro-IRA republicans were doing their best to discredit her family’s campaign.

“We see a smear campaign on the Internet and trying to say that we are putting Robert’s murder in a much wider political context, which we’re not. This is about the abuse of power by IRA members, it’s not about the freedom of Ireland,” she said.

Senator Clinton has called on those with information on Robert’s killing to come forward to the police.

“Robert’s killers must be brought to justice and I urge everyone to co-operate with the authorities to find those responsible,” she said.

North: Bill ‘will supress truth’

Irish Examiner

21/11/2005 - 10:31:40 AM

A human rights organisation expressed grave concern today about a British government bill allowing people who committed offences before the 1998 Good Friday Agreement to avoid serving a prison sentence.

London-based British Irish Rights Watch has campaigned for inquiries into the 1989 murder of Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane and other victims of alleged security force collusion with loyalist paramilitaries.

It claimed the Northern Ireland Offences Bill, which receives its second reading on Wednesday, would only suppress the truth further.

In an appeal to MPs to vote against the Bill, the organisation said: “This Bill, if enacted, will allow anyone who committed a crime prior to April 10 1998 to claim that his or her motive was terrorist to get out of jail free.

“While in some cases it will be possible to prove beyond reasonable doubt that a crime was not motivated by terrorism, once a criminal claims to have been a member of a proscribed organisation and, for example, to have killed someone because she or he feared that the fact of his or her membership of the organisation would be exposed, it will be virtually impossible to disprove such assertions.

“Sir Hugh Orde, chief constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland, has recently established a Historic Enquiries Team to re-examine every conflict-related unsolved murder prior to April 10 1998.

“It will examine over 3,000 deaths and will cost £24.2m (€40m) over six years. On our reading of the Bill, every single person charged by the Historic Enquiries Team will never serve a day in jail.

“What concerns British Irish Rights Watch most is that agents of the state who colluded with terrorists will not be held to account because they will be able to claim that any crimes they committed were carried out in the efforts to combat terrorism.”

Victims’ organisations, the nationalist SDLP, the cross community Alliance Party and unionist parties have been highly critical of the Northern Ireland Offences Bill, accusing the British government of handing out an amnesty to anyone who committed an offence before the Good Friday Agreement.

Northern Ireland Office minister David Hanson has insisted that the Bill will ensure that people who have carried out offences have to answer for what they have done in a special judicial process.

Under the Bill, people such as paramilitaries who went on the run abroad during the Troubles to avoid arrest or members of the security forces can avoid arrest and serving a jail sentence in the North by applying to a certification commissioner who will examine if they are wanted for crimes.

If they are, the commissioner will issue them with a certificate keeping them out of jail but also initiating a legal process which will see their offences examined by a specially set-up tribunal with its own prosecutors and judges.

On-the-run paramilitaries, rogue members of the police and Army and civilians suspected of crimes before 1998 would not have to attend the hearings.

If they are found guilty, they will be issued with a licence similar to the one given to the republican and loyalist prisoners freed early from jail under the Good Friday Agreement.

If they offend again, their licences could be revoked and they would be sent to prison.

Critics of the Bill have hit out at the British government’s failure to compel those suspected of crimes to sit during the proceedings of the special tribunal.

The nationalist SDLP and Sinn Fein, which supports the legislation, have bitterly clashed over it.

SDLP leader Mark Durkan has accused Sinn Féin of negotiating legislation which allowed republicans and the British state to suppress the truth about their involvement in some of the North’s most controversial murders.

The Foyle MP has also accused them of denying justice to the victims of IRA and state violence.

Sinn Féin’s Alex Maskey and other members of the party have accused the SDLP of using the victims of alleged collusion cynically for political gain.

Beast of Belsen and his lover in Nuremberg exhibit

Guardian

John Ezard
Monday November 21, 2005
The Guardian

Image Hosted by ImageShack.us
Irma Grese - photo from >>here

The faces of two lovers who did terrible things to others in a terrible place were shown to a mass online audience for the first time yesterday.

Image Hosted by ImageShack.us
Josef Kramer - photo from >>here

The couple, Josef Kramer, nicknamed the Beast of Belsen, and Irma Grese, 25, in charge of death cells at the Nazi concentration camp, were seen in photographs digitised by the Imperial War Museum. They were hanged after being convicted of mass atrocities at the Nuremberg trials, which opened 60 years ago yesterday.

Kramer was camp commandant. Grese was so steeped in blood that a legend persists of her ghost haunting a building on the site of Belsen in the former east Germany. In 1992, after the fall of the Berlin wall, researchers were given permission to spend the night there. But, according to the museum, they failed to last the night.

The museum is shortly to display online the letter that resulted in Kramer’s execution. He had denied knowing about deaths at the camp. But at the Nuremberg trials in 1946 the letter proved he did know. It is a warning to his SS guards of punishments if prisoners succeeded in smuggling letters to outsiders about deaths in captivity. This had happened once, Kramer complained. Any repetition would be “detrimental to international relations” for Nazi Germany.

The letter is due to join online documents of history in a massive operation by the Imperial War Museum to mark the anniversary. It is digitising 30,000 photographs, documents, objects, films and sound recordings from its archive.

Digitisation is costing £500,000 as part of a £10m lottery-funded learning programme introducing the archive to new generations. Its highlights have been shown in exhibitions at the museum in south London or elsewhere. But until now they have mostly been tucked away on shelves, accessible only to researchers.

Much of the digitised material takes viewers into one of history’s darkest times. When details of Nazi war crimes in the camps first became known in the trials of war criminals in 1946, they called into question the assumption that women are less capable of cruelty than men. A study of evidence at Nuremberg said: “The skins of three inmates that she [Irma Grese] had had made into lampshades were found in her hut.” Camp survivors testified to “her acts of pure sadism, beatings and arbitrary shooting of prisoners, savaging of prisoners by her trained and half-starved dogs, to her selecting prisoners for the gas chambers.

“She habitually wore heavy boots and carried a whip and a pistol. She used both physical and emotional methods to torture the camp’s inmates and enjoyed shooting prisoners in cold blood. She beat some of the women to death and whipped others mercilessly using a plaited whip.”

Grese was also the lover of Josef Mengele, the camp doctor who conducted genetic experiments on living inmates.

Here, too, online among the hanged, is Elizabeth Volkenrath, supervising warden at Belsen, also relatively young but already with a fearsome track record at another camp, Auschwitz. “The allegations against her for her misdeeds at Auschwitz were so numerous that the authorities stopped collecting further evidence at an early stage of their inquiries,” according to Raymond Philips in his book The Belsen Trial. “She, too, was ruthless. Kicking and beating, she casts her shadow over the whole story of the lives of the wretched internees. Her defence was mainly a flat denial of everything said against her.”

Also among the defendants was Herta Bothe, 24, a guard for the forced march of prisoners from central Poland to Belsen. After Belsen’s liberation, British soldiers made her carry the bodies of prisoners to a mass grave. She said the bodies, though emaciated, caused her back pain. Characterised as a ruthless overseer, she was imprisoned for 10 years (but released after six years) for using a pistol on prisoners.

In 2003 she was interviewed, aged 84, under her married name, Lange. Replying to one question, she said: “What do you mean, made a mistake? No … I’m not quite sure I should answer that. Did I make a mistake? No. The mistake was that it was a concentration camp, but I had to go to it, otherwise I would have been put into it myself. That was my mistake.”

The online exhibition is titled Their Past, Your Future.

Today in history: Birmingham pub blasts kill 19

BBC ON THIS DAY

21 November1974


The two pubs were destroyed in the blast

Bombs have devastated two central Birmingham pubs, killing 19 people and injuring over 180.

Police have said they believe the Provisional IRA planted the devices in the Mulberry Bush and the nearby Tavern in the Town.

The explosions coincided with the return to Ireland of the body of James McDade, the IRA man who was killed in Coventry last week when the bomb he was planting blew up prematurely.

The two blasts were only seconds apart and happened at about 2030 GMT, when the bars were packed with mainly teenage drinkers.

Police attempted to clear both pubs, but the bombs went off only 12 minutes after a man with an Irish accent telephoned the Birmingham Post newspaper with a warning.

The first attack was in the Mulberry Bush, which is located on the ground-floor of the 17-storey Rotunda office block.

‘Disastrous and appalling’

The second device exploded 50-yards (45.7 m) away in an underground bar, the Tavern in the Town.

Michael Willis, 18, was in the Tavern when the bomb went off.

“I was going to put a record on the juke box when there was an explosion.

“There were bodies everywhere and I had to clamber over them to get out - the screaming and groaning from the injured was terrifying,” he said.

Many of the injured were ferried to nearby hospital in taxis and private cars, and dozens of ambulances from all over the West Midlands were called in.

Assistant Chief Constable for West Midlands Police Maurice Buck said the carnage caused by the bombs was “disastrous and appalling”.

In Context

The final number of dead was 21.

Hugh Callaghan, Paddy Hill, Gerry Hunter, Richard McIlkenny, Billy Power, and Johnny Walker were found guilty in 1975 of carrying out the bombings.

But the so-called Birmingham Six were released after 16 years in jail when their convictions were overturned by the Court of Appeal in May 1991.

The real bombers have never been prosecuted.

Three detectives were charged with perjury and conspiracy in connection with the investigation, but their trial was halted in 1993 on the grounds of prejudicial media coverage.

Days before the 30th anniversary in 2004, the IRA’s political wing, Sinn Fein, said the two bombings should not have happened and indicated an apology was imminent.

Bloody Sunday 1920

Wikipedia

Image Hosted by ImageShack.us
Photo of Michael Hogan from Croke Parke - A Brief History. Michael Hogan (1896 - 1920) was born in 1896 into an old and much respected farming background in the Grangemockler area of Co. Tipperary. It was an area deep-rooted in the ideals and aspirations of Davin and Cusack and he was one of the first to join the local Volunteers. He was passionate about Gaelic football, the GAA and the cause of Irish Nationalism. On November 20th, 1920, while playing for Tipperary against Dublin, Michael was shot dead along with thirteen spectators by a force of Auxiliaries and RIC in Croke Park. That day has entered the popular conscience as Bloody Sunday, and Hogan’s memory is perpetuated by the Hogan Stand in Croke Park and a monument in his native Grangemockler.

 

Bloody Sunday is a term used to describe two controversial events in Irish history, the first of which was the massacre of players and people attending a Gaelic football match in Croke Park in Dublin in 1920.

Background

Bloody Sunday had its origins in the Irish War of Independence (1919-21), which followed the formation of an unilaterally declared Irish Republic and its parliament, Dáil Éireann. The army of the republic, the Irish Republican Army waged a guerrilla war against the Royal Irish Constabulary, its auxiliary organisations and the British army, who were determined to suppress Irish separatism. In response, the British Government formed its own paramilitary forces, the Black and Tans (a nickname arising from their mixture of uniforms), and the Auxiliary Division (generally known as the Auxiliaries or Auxies). The behaviour of both groups immediately became controversial (one major critic was King George V) for their brutality and violence towards not just IRA suspects and prisoners but Irish people in general. It was the Auxiliaries that were responsible for the Bloody Sunday massacre.

Bloody Sunday

On November 21, 1920, Irish Finance Minister and head of the Irish Republican Brotherhood Michael Collins ordered the assassination of what was known as the ‘Cairo Gang‘, eighteen high-ranking British Intelligence officers sent to infiltrate and subvert Irish nationalist organisations. Early that morning, 12 or 13 of the agents in question (along with a few innocents or victims of circumstance) were killed by Collins’ “Squad” — a number of them in their own homes, and in some cases with their wives in close proximity. Two Auxiliaries were also killed as the Squad made their escape. Only one Squad member was captured, Frank Teeling, and he managed to quickly escape from gaol. This action severely crippled British intelligence in Ireland, causing the rest of the gang and many other spies to flee for Dublin Castle, and caused consternation in the British administration.

The Dublin Gaelic football team was scheduled to play the Tipperary team later the same day in Croke Park, the Gaelic Athletic Association’s major football ground. One of the British auxiliaries involved in ‘Bloody Sunday’ recalled that they tossed a coin over whether they would go on a killing spree in Croke Park or loot Sackville Street (Dublin’s main street, now called O’Connell Street) instead.

Despite the general unease in Dublin as news broke of the killings, a war-weary populace continued with life. Approximately 10,000 spectators went to Croke Park for the Irish football match. However within minutes of the start of the game, an aeroplane flew over the ground and a red flare was shot from the cockpit. Auxiliaries poured into the ground while an officer on top of the wall fired a revolver shot. They began shooting into the crowd from the pitch, while another fired a machine-gun from the entrance. The crowd began to rush away from the gunfire. Two football players, Michael Hogan and Jim Egan, were shot; Hogan died from his injuries. A Wexford man who attempted to whisper the Act of Contrition into the dying Hogan’s ear was also shot dead. In all, fourteen people were killed and 65 injured.

The casualties included Jeannie Boyle, who had gone to the match with her fiancée and was due to be married five days later, and John Scott, who was fourteen, and so mutilated that it was initially thought that he had been savagely bayoneted. The youngest victims were aged 10 and 11.

The actions of the Auxiliaries, like many of their actions and those of the Black and Tans, were “officially” unauthorised and were greeted with public horror by the Dublin Castle-based British authorities. In an effort to cover up the nature of the behaviour by Crown forces, a press release was issued which claimed:

A number of men came to Dublin on Saturday under the guise of asking to attend a football match between Tipperary and Dublin. But their real intention was to take part in the series of murderous outrages which took place in Dublin that morning. Learning on Saturday that a number of these gunmen were present in Croke Park, the crown forces went to raid the field. It was the original intention that an officer would go to the centre of the field and speaking from a megaphone, invite the assassins to come forward. But on their approach, armed pickets gave warning. Shots were fired to warn the wanted men, who caused a stampede and escaped in the confusion.

The Times, a Unionist publication, ridiculed Dublin Castle’s version of events, as did a British Labour Party delegation visiting Ireland at the time.

Later that day, two high-ranking IRA officers, Dick McKee and Peadar Clancy, who had helped plan the killings of the British agents, and an uninvolved civilian friend Conor Clune, a nephew of Archbishop Clune of Perth, Australia, were arrested. They were brought to Dublin Castle, tortured and “shot while trying to escape”. The official story was that because there was no room in the cells they were placed in a guardroom containing arms, and were killed while making a getaway.

Aftermath

The behaviour of the Auxiliaries and the Black and Tans during the Irish War of Independence, most of it secretly sanctioned and approved, helped turn the Irish public against the Crown. Some British politicians and the King made no secret of their horror at the behaviour of Crown forces. The mass murder of men, women and children, both spectators and football players, made international headlines, damaging British credibility.

A combination of the loss of the Cairo Gang, which devastated British Intelligence in Ireland, and the public relations disaster that was Bloody Sunday severely damaged the cause of British rule in Ireland and increased support for the republican government under Eamon de Valera. The events of Bloody Sunday have survived in public memory. The Gaelic Athletic Association named one of the stands in Croke Park the ‘Hogan Stand’ in memory of Michael Hogan, one of the murdered football players.

James “Skankers” Ryan, who had informed on Clancy and McKee, was shot dead by the IRA in February 1921.

Further reading
  • Tom Bowden, “Bloody Sunday–A Reappraisal,” European Studies Review, vol 2, no. 1 (1972).
  • Tim Carey and Marcus de Búrca, “Bloody Sunday 1920: New Evidence,” History Ireland, vol. 11, no. 2 (Summer 2003).
  • Tim Pat Coogan Michael Collins (1990, Hutchinson) (ISBN 0091741068)
  • David Leeson, “Death in the Afternoon: The Croke Park Massacre, 21 November 1920,” Canadian Journal of History, vol. 38, no. 1 (April 2003).
  • Charles Townshend, “Bloody Sunday–Michael Collins Speaks”, European Studies Review, vol. 9 (1979).

“Down Into the Mire” — Part 4 of “The Forgotten Ten”

The Wild Geese Today

By Kieron Punch

Image Hosted by ImageShack.us
Members of the infamous “Cairo Gang.” These British agents’ days were numbered after Kevin Barry was killed by the Crown.

The change in the nature of the war became apparent less than three weeks after Barry’s execution. On Sunday, 21st November, 1920, Volunteers from the Dublin Brigade, supported by Michael Collins’ “Squad” entered various Dublin addresses and in a pre-emptive strike, shot dead 14 British secret service agents and regimental officers. Numerous arrests were made in the wake of the killings and some 500
Members of the infamous “Cairo Gang.” These British agents’ days were numbered after Kevin Barry was killed by the Crown. Those numbered 1, 2 and 3 were Irish.
prisoners were paraded for identification in front of witnesses. These “witnesses” proved to be very unreliable as some of the people they identified had been in prison at the time of the “Bloody Sunday” assassinations. Nevertheless, several men were selected to be charged before a Field General Court Martial and were incarcerated in Dublin’s Kilmainham Jail.

>>READ ON






















Get free blog up and running in minutes with Blogsome | Theme designs available here