SAOIRSE32

3/4/2006

Loyalist group ousts its chairman

BBC


Reverend Mervyn Gibson said he was surprised at the move

Presbyterian minister Reverend Mervyn Gibson has been ousted as chairman of the Loyalist Commission.

The commission is an umbrella group which includes members of the UVF, Red Hand Commando and the UDA, as well as clerical and community representatives.

Mr Gibson was asked to stand down at a meeting of the commission on Monday.

It is understood some were concerned about a NIO initiative he was involved in which would include the loyal orders and nationalist residents groups.

One source told the BBC that it was thought Mr Gibson had “taken on too much, too soon”.

However, Mr Gibson said there was a “difference of interpretation” of what he was trying to do.

Mr Gibson said he was surprised at being asked to stand down but had “no hesitation” in agreeing to leave.

He said that though he was no longer a member, he wished the commission well.

Witness to Auschwitz horror dies at 82

Times Online

David Sanderson and Lewis Smith

Rudolf Vrba escaped the gas chambers to tell the world of the Nazi genocide

Image Hosted by ImageShack.usRUDOLF VRBA, who escaped Auschwitz to bring the Allies the first eye-witness account of the atrocities at the concentration camp, has died at the age of 82 in Canada.

He was one of only five Jewish inmates to make a successful escape from Auschwitz-Birkenau after hiding for three days under a pile of planks. Described by friends as the “greatest man” they have known, Mr Vrba had been deported from his native Czechoslovakia at the age of 18 in 1942. Together with his friend Alfred Wetzler he escaped to write a report in 1944 which awoke the Allied political leadership to what was happening in the death camps.

Mr Vrba, who was born Walter Rosenberg in 1924 and was the son of a steam sawmill owner, joined Czechslovak partisan units after his escape. He was decorated several times for his bravery and after the Second World War gave evidence at trials in Germany of SS guards.

He then gained a doctorate in chemistry and worked in Prague and Israel before joining the British Medical Research Council in 1960, where he stayed for seven years.

His testimony to Nazi evil reached a worldwide audience as a central part of Claude Lanzmann’s highly acclaimed 1985 epic documentary about the Holocaust, Shoah.

Stanley Meadows, who befriended Mr Vrba when he first came to England and took British nationality, described him as “the greatest man I have ever known”. Mr Meadows said: “He was not only a brave man but a determined man. There was no one like him. He was warm and kind, a wonderful man.”

While living in England Mr Vrba published his autobiography, I Cannot Forgive, which detailed his escape from the camp. He and Mr Wetzler had taken the opportunity to hide beneath the planks, piled up in preparation for a hut to be built. Soviet prisoners of war secured the planks over the men and covered them with tobacco and benzene to confuse tracker dogs. The two thought they were about to be caught and executed when a guard started pulling planks away - but he stopped before spotting them.

After hiding for three days without food the pair slipped away and walked through Nazi-held territory until they reached the partisans.

In 1967 Mr Vrba left the UK to join the University of British Columbia, in Canada, where he became an associate professor and continued to work for the rest of his life. Professor Michael Walker, who worked with him for more than thirty years, told The Times yesterday: “Even when he was terminally ill he was talking about teaching students.

“Put simply, he was a helluva guy. He had a lot of insight into the nature of people and was not embittered by his experiences.”

Mr Vrba was also involved in Holocaust education projects. In 2001 a Rudolf Vrba award for films on human rights was established by Mary Robinson, who was then the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and Vaclav Havel, then President of the Czech Republic.

Mr Vrba, who had been ill with cancer and died on Monday, is survived by his wife, Robin, and by his daughter, Zuza, who lives in Cambridge. His elder daughter, Helinka, a successful doctor, committed suicide several years ago.

Mr Walker said: “Rudi was a remarkable person who retained all his faculties. I saw him one week before he died and he was still talking about teaching the students. The students loved him as a teacher and when they found out about his past they would often be stunned. He did not regard himself as a victim.”

Mr Meadows added: “He will be remembered for his courage, his great sense of humour, his storytelling, his warmth of personality and, of course, for the greatest escape of the 20th century.”

Death Camp

  • Auschwitz was three camps, Auschwitz-Birkenau being the death camp
  • Up to 1.5 million people, mostly Jewish, died there
  • 7,650 prisoners, mostly sick, were liberated
  • 60,000 prisoners were marched from Auschwitz by the retreating Nazis; up to 15,000 died

Political approach to tackling poverty wrong

Sinn Féin

Published: 3 April, 2006

A senior Sinn Féin delegation has met British direct rule Social Development minister David Hanson today, Monday 3rd April, to discuss the proposed funding for Loyalist areas. Speaking after the meeting Sinn Féin Spokesperson on Poverty, North Belfast MLA Kathy Stanton said that a politically motivated approach to tackling poverty is wrong.

Ms Stanton said:

“The approach of the British government to the issue of poverty suggested by giving money exclusively to working class loyalist communities is wrong. It will not address the serious issues of poverty, multiple deprivation, unemployment or educational under achievement that affects many sections of our society. All it will do is create division.

“The only way to comprehensively tackle poverty, wherever it exists, is on the basis of objective need, and need alone. Setting aside New TSN policy and equality legislation is wrong and will clearly have serious legal implications.

“While no-one would argue that there are serious levels of poverty in disadvantaged working class loyalist areas and particular problems around educational under achievement, all of the recent objective evidence shows that poverty and disadvantage is more widespread in nationalist areas. Seven of the 10 most deprived areas in the north are in nationalist areas.

“We will not tackle poverty with an ad hoc strategy based on political expediency or by setting aside clear priorities based on targeting social need, equality and fairness. Poverty will only be tackled by understanding its’ root causes and through long-term strategies.

“Throwing millions at a small number of loyalist areas is not a solution. The implications for the equality agenda are huge. This approach undermines the legal requirement to act fairly and exposes both the British government and its civil service to the allegation that they are willing to sideline the equality agenda in the name of political expediency.” ENDS

Omagh families meet police chief

BBC

Intelligence gathered by MI5 ahead of the Omagh bombing was passed to police only this year, the chief constable has confirmed to victims’ families.

Michael Gallagher was part of a delegation of relatives who met Sir Hugh Orde and his senior officers.

He said it might have made a difference if the information was passed on before the attack, which killed 29 people.

Mr Gallagher said the two-hour discussions were “very long, at times difficult and sometimes very frank”.

“We talked about the way things had been handled, the intelligence, particularly MI5,” he said.

“He confirmed that it was only earlier this year that the PSNI was aware of that intelligence for the first time. It was important for us to hear it from the chief constable.

“That was something outside his control, but nevertheless we believe it could have made a difference and the police in Omagh had a right to know that intelligence so that they could at least have had a chance.”

Mr Gallagher added: “It may or may not have had a bearing on the Omagh bomb but at least it would have raised the state of awareness that there was a bomb attack on its way.”

Mr Gallagher’s son Aiden was one of 29 killed in the Real IRA attack in August 1998.

AGENT ORANGE - Orange Order consulted on make-up of parades body – No residents’ groups were approached

Daily Ireland

Don MacKay says he’s fighting the cause of the loyal orders ‘from inside the fence’

by Ciarán Barnes
03/04/2006

Fresh concerns have been raised about the make-up of the Parades Commission after it emerged the Orange Order was consulted about who should be appointed.
The Northern Ireland Office (NIO) also asked the Apprentice Boys and Royal Black Institution to provide the names of suitable candidates, but failed to consult with nationalist residents groups during the appointment process.
Senior Orangemen David Burrows and Don MacKay were subsequently appointed to the body, which is responsible for deciding whether controversial marches can go ahead.
On Thursday at a public meeting in Portadown, Co Armagh, Mr MacKay said he was fighting the cause of the loyal orders “from inside the fence”.
In his role as a commissioner, Mr MacKay has a duty to act in an independent manner when making decisions.
In light of his comments and the NIO’s failure to consult with residents’ organisations, nationalists have again raised concerns about the “clear imbalance” of the Parades Commission.
Garvaghy Road residents’ spokesman Brendan MacCionnaith said his community had no faith in the group.
“There is a clear imbalance on the Parades Commission. This can be seen in comments made by both Don MacKay and David Burrows, and the fact they remain members of loyal orders,” said Mr MacCionnaith.
“During the appointments procedure, the NIO deliberately ignored the opinions of nationalist residents’ groups.
“The entire process was watched over by the NIO security operations and policing department.
“These are the same people who drew up the 1997 Garvaghy Road game plan when residents were beaten off the road so Orangemen could get down.”
Mr Burrows and Mr McKay’s appointment to the Parades Commission will be challenged in Belfast’s High Court today.
Lawyers acting for residents’ groups are seeking a judicial review of the decision and the appointments procedure which deemed their applications acceptable.
When the commissioners’ posts were first advertised last year, the NIO received 94 applications, 42 of which came from the Protestant community, 29 from the Catholic community and 23 from other communities.
These were broken down to a shortlist of 24 for interview, of which 15 were Protestant, five Catholic, and four from other religions.
The NIO then produced a list of what it termed were 17 “appointable candidates”, 11 of whom were Protestant, three Catholic and three from other religious backgrounds.
From this list, the NIO appointed four Protestants (David Burrows, Don MacKay, Vilma Patterson and Alison Scott-McKinley) and two Catholics (Dr Joe Hendron and Anne Monaghan) as commissioners.
When challenged about why, during the appointment procedure, the NIO consulted loyal orders but not nationalist residents’ groups, a spokeswoman said: “The Secretary of State [Peter Hain] met with a wide variety of organisations and community representatives prior to the appointments being announced.”
The latest row over the appointment procedure comes just weeks after it emerged Don MacKay lied on his commission application form.
Mr MacKay gave the name of Upper Bann SDLP assembly member Dolores Kelly as a referee without asking her permission. Ms Kelly later called on Mr MacKay to resign.

Speeding fine dropped over Irish

RTÉ

03 April 2006 16:06

A Co Donegal builder who was accused of speeding last year will not be prosecuted because the authorities failed to meet their constitutional obligation to deal with him in Irish.

Éamonn Mac Giolla Chomhaill was stopped in February 2005 and accused of speeding.

He was faced with the prospect of a fine of €80 and two penalty points or the alternative of going to court and risking an even greater penalty if convicted.
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Mr Mac Giolla Chomhaill contacted his solicitor who then sought copies of the documentation in Irish.

However, by the time the fixed penalty notice arrived, the 28-day period for payment had elapsed and he was summoned to court.

Mr Mac Giolla Chomhaill initiated judicial review proceedings.

His solicitor also sought a translation of the road traffic acts and the District Court rules in Irish and discovered these were unavailable.

He also claimed that An Coimisinéir Teanga had a commitment from the Garda Commissioner that gardaí would provide a bi-lingual service.

Mr Mac Giolla Chomhaill is a native of Gaoth Dobhair and did not speak English until he was in his teens. He works in the Gaeltacht and conducts all his business through Irish.

He claimed that he was being prejudiced and disadvantaged by the attitude of the Garda Commissioner, the Department of Justice and the State.

Today, the High Court was told the judicial review proceedings could be struck out because Mr Mac Giolla Chomhaill had received a commitment from the authorities that his prosecution on a charge of speeding will be discontinued.

Britain Dismantles N. Ireland Watchtowers

CBS News

DUBLIN, Ireland, Apr. 3, 2006
(AP)

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(AP) The British army began dismantling its last five watchtowers along the Northern Ireland border Monday, a long-awaited move in response to the Irish Republican Army’s decision last year to disarm. (Click to view photo)

Soldiers from the Royal Engineers Regiment landed by helicopter on three hilltops in South Armagh, a traditional IRA power base midway between Belfast and Dublin, to begin tearing apart the heavily armored watchtowers.

Three of the high-tech fortifications are on Jonesborough Hill, Northern Ireland territory that juts into the Republic of Ireland, while the two others are atop other South Armagh hills.

Britain in the mid-1980s constructed a network of watchtowers to monitor IRA activities in South Armagh, where troops and police for decades had to travel by helicopter because of the risk of roadside bombs.

South Armagh’s overwhelmingly Roman Catholic residents, who bitterly resent the watchtowers’ ability to eavesdrop on local communities, have demanded their demolition ever since the IRA began observing lengthy cease-fires in 1994. The army has dismantled eight other observation posts in the area since December 1999 as part of the peace process.

In a statement, British army headquarters in Lisburn, Northern Ireland, said the five watchtowers ceased operation as surveillance posts on Saturday. It said the posts’ major physical feature _ an armored pillbox with blast-proof glass windows and towers with cameras and microphones _ would be airlifted off each hill by Chinook helicopters.

The Irish government welcomed the latest British moves. Foreign Minister Dermot Ahern said they amounted to “yet another tangible demonstration of the transformed security situation in Northern Ireland, and of the benefits it brings to everyone.”

“For years these installations dominated the landscape of South Armagh,” said Ahern, whose parliamentary district lies just across the border in the town of Dundalk. “Their removal, as part of an ongoing process of security normalization, is an important step in giving a fresh start to these communities in moving away from the shadow of conflict and toward an open and prosperous future.”

But reflecting Northern Ireland’s pervasive divisions, leaders of the province’s British Protestant majority decried the cutbacks as foolish, while South Armagh’s Catholic politicians complained that Britain should have torn down the lookout posts sooner _ and was not nearly doing enough.

“No one in the area will be sad to see the back of these intrusive eyesores,” said Dominic Bradley, a representative of the Social Democratic and Labour Party, which represents moderate Catholic opinion.

“There is now an onus on the British government to continue with all aspects of the normalization process, including an end to joint army-police patrols, intrusive and unnecessary helicopter flights, and the fortified nature of many police stations. There is no valid reason why this process cannot be completed in its entirety in a rapid fashion.”

Conor Murphy, South Armagh’s senior official from Sinn Fein, the IRA-linked party, said locals suspected that British troops would replace their listening posts with more covert forms of spying and surveillance.

He cited documents seized by Sinn Fein officials in February that suggested British spying on South Armagh homes and a local sports club.

“Actions such as these only serve to increase local anger,” he said.

But the Democratic Unionist Party, which represents most Protestants, pointed out that South Armagh remained a popular place for cross-border smuggling of fuel and cigarettes _ a trade allegedly overseen by the area’s IRA commander.

“This move is foolish in the extreme,” Democratic Unionist official Arlene Foster said. “At a time when criminality is rampant along our border, a commonsense approach would dictate that security should be maintained rather than scaled down.”

Sinn Fein ‘no’ to shadow assembly

BBC


Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness ruled out a shadow assembly

A Sinn Fein delegation has met Prime Minister Tony Blair to discuss the government’s blueprint for restoring devolution in Northern Ireland.

The talks between Mr Blair and Sinn Fein were held at Downing Street.

Afterwards SF’s Martin McGuinness said his party would not take part in a shadow assembly at Stormont.

There is speculation a deadline for efforts to restore the assembly will be set by the British and Irish governments later this week.

Mr Blair and Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern are expected in Armagh city on Thursday to unveil their proposals for restoring the assembly.

The Sinn Fein delegation who met the prime minister at Downing Street included party president Gerry Adams, chief negotiator Martin McGuinness and North Belfast assembly member Gerry Kelly.

Speaking after Monday’s talks, Mr McGuiness said: “We need to restore the political institutions and we need to do that immediately.

“We believe the sole task of the assembly is the formation of a power-sharing government as set out in the Good Friday Agreement and if the DUP refuse to allow this to happen then the governments have to move ahead.”

Mr McGuinness said they had told the prime minister that the suggestion of a shadow assembly scrutinised by direct rule ministers was unacceptable to his party.

“We made it clear scrutiny committees are effectively nothing more than a DUP attempt to restore a unionist domination and that isn’t acceptable.”

At the weekend, DUP leader Ian Paisley said it was nonsense to predict that the Northern Ireland Executive would be formed by the end of November.

Political sources have told the BBC assembly members are to be called to Stormont on 15 May for a six-week period to try to form an executive.

Mr Paisley said the foundations for such decisions had not been laid.

Mr Paisley, whose party has suggested the formation of a shadow assembly, is due to meet Tony Blair on Tuesday.

However, SDLP leader Mark Durkan has said the DUP should not have a veto over devolved institutions.

Devolved government at Stormont was suspended in October 2002 following allegations of a republican spy ring at the Northern Ireland Office.

However, doubt was cast on that after a senior Sinn Fein official acquitted of involvement said he had been a British agent for 20 years and that there was no spy ring.

Attwood in call to amend restorative justice plans

:::u.tv:::

The British Government was today urged to amend plans for neighbourhood justice schemes in Northern Ireland as speculation mounted that it could soon announce pilot schemes in loyalist and nationalist communities.

MONDAY 03/04/2006 08:48:15
By:Press Association

Nationalist SDLP Policing Board member Alex Attwood said ahead of a meeting today with Northern Ireland Office Minister David Hanson that the British Government needed to tread cautiously as it prepared its final proposals for state-backed community restorative justice schemes.

The West Belfast Assembly member, who has been critical of proposed guidelines for the schemes, said: “There are a number of core elements required, including accepting legitimacy of the police, maximum standards and safeguards, and rules governing all of the work undertaken by schemes.

“This is the triple lock than can promote best practice and avoid worst fears.

“This is the way Government needs to go. The failure of republicans to endorse policing is the gaping hole at the heart of proposals to regulate schemes.

“In the week when the governments (British and Irish) may announce their latest political initiatives, this is the issue that needs to be finally faced up to.”

Community restorative justice schemes currently operate in working class republican and loyalist neighbourhoods across Northern Ireland.

They were set up to deal with low-level crime, bringing perpetrators face-to-face with their victims.

Sinn Fein, which supports the schemes, and people involved in running them argue that they are a viable alternative to so-called paramilitary punishment attacks in communities where there is little or no contact with the police.

But critics have expressed reservations about how restorative justice schemes are operating, particularly in republican areas.

The SDLP and Unionists, particularly, have accused the Government of putting forward proposals for state finance schemes which would see groups operating in republican areas keeping police involvement at an arm`s length.

Government officials have been considering more than 40 submissions from various organisations on their plans for community restorative justice.

Speculation is mounting that Mr Hanson may approve the operation of up to six pilot schemes under the charge of the Criminal Justice Inspectorate.

Ulster Unionist Policing Board member Fred Cobain today insisted that if there were to be pilot schemes, they must all involve direct contact between restorative justice organisations and the police.

“Restorative justice is a good concept,” the North Belfast MLA said. “It works around the world. But there has to be checks and balances.

“Those checks and balances are in place in loyalist areas where there is direct consultation with the police but there has to be the same standards in republican communities.

“The police have to be fully involved whatever these schemes operate across Northern Ireland. There cannot be any question of one law for one set of schemes and another law for the rest.”

Dad’s anger at sentence

Irelandclick

Campaign group to protest 5-year term in letter to Attorney General

by Aine McEntee

The heartbroken father of little Emma Lynch, killed over two years ago in a horrific car smash, has vowed to fight the sentence handed down to the man responsible.

Grief-stricken Joe Caughey has told the Andersonstown News that he is going to appeal the five-year sentence handed down to 44-year-old Wayne Johnston for the deaths of his eight-year-old daughter and 11-year-old Christopher Shaw. With good behaviour, Johnston will be out in two and a half years.

Campaign group Families Bereaved Through Car Crime (FBTCC) and local Sinn Féin MLA Michael Ferguson have both thrown their weight behind Joe’s campaign for justice for Emma and Christopher.

“I want to appeal for help on this – this decision handed down to Wayne Johnston is just wrong. In the name of God, everybody knows it’s wrong and somebody has just got to do something about this.

“The decision must be reversed and a heavier sentence given.

“Five years is nothing, two and a half is even less.

“On the one hand the judge says he feels sympathy for us, then on the other, he slaps us in the face with the other. Emma and Christopher deserve a lot more.”

At the end of his trial last month, Wayne Johnston, formerly from the Highfield estate in North Belfast, was unanimously convicted on two counts of killing Christopher Shaw and Emma Lynch and also of causing grievous bodily harm to Christopher’s brother Darren by dangerous driving.

Last Friday he was given a five year sentence and a 10-year driving ban.
Still consumed by raw grief, Joe spoke of his daily heartbreak over the loss of his “wee angel”.

“I’m heartbroken without her, all of us are.

“I’m trying so hard to understand why this has happened.

“This sentence has knocked me for six. It’s impossible to go on sometimes. It’s a kick in the teeth. She was the light of my life. I feel so alone without her. She was all I had.”

Peggy Hanna of FBTCC said she was devastated for the Lynch and Shaw families.

Peggy lost her son, Patrick Hanna, in January 1999 when Gerard Gaskin knocked him down on the Andersonstown Road.

Gaskin received four years for his crime which was later reduced on appeal to three.

“My heart goes out to them,” Peggy Hanna said.

“I sat in that same position seven years ago waiting for justice to be delivered and it wasn’t.

“Families Bereaved Through Car Crime have campaigned to get the laws changed on death drivers and we’ve won that battle.

“But it seems like it hasn’t made a difference. We’re no better off - after all the campaigning and all the fighting to get heavier sentences imposed of up to 14 years, what’s changed?

“What’s been achieved is completely useless if the judges don’t choose to use them.”

Sinn Féin’s Michael Ferguson said he would meet with families to offer his support.

“I would be more than happy to meet with the families concerned. I can completely understand that the judgement given has come as a severe shock,” the MLA said.

“It’s clear the families do not feel that justice has been done and they’re keen to look at what options are before them.

“It’s the families’ choice, but if they need my help, I am happy to do whatever is in my power to support the families’ efforts to get justice.”

Peggy’s daughter, Margaret Muir, also of FBTCC, said the group was “gutted”.
She added that the group would be writing to the Attorney General Lord Goldsmith to ask him to reconsider the sentence.

“We will do all we can to help.

“In the meantime we are going to write independently to the Attorney General and complain about this verdict.

“It’s just a crying shame. A five-year sentence for killing two children adds insult to injury.”

Journalist:: Áine McEntee

Alan tells of heart ordeal ‘miracle’

Belfast Telegraph

**In this day and age, a person should NOT have to wait at all for life saving surgery

Rare six-in-one operation saved 55 year-old’s life

By Nigel Gould
03 April 2006

That Ulster man Alan Wilkinson is alive today is nothing short of a miracle…

At the end of last year his life hung by a thread after doctors discovered one of his arteries completely blocked while there were 90% blockages in five others.

And at one stage the 55-year-old Fermanagh man was given a maximum of six months - without major surgery.

Put simply another heart attack would have killed him.

But thanks to an initial inspired piece of quick-thinking by his teenage son, the dramatic slashing of hospital waiting times and finally the skill of Ulster’s finest surgeons who performed a rare six-in-one bypass operation, Mr Wilkinson made it through his incredible ordeal.

“Make no mistake, my life was in real danger,” he told the Belfast Telegraph.

“I first had a heart attack in 1995. Then in November last year I had been working in the garden when I felt a pain and I lost power of my body.

“My son Richard, who is 16, was sitting beside me and began trying to keep me awake.

“It felt like my whole system was closing down. I thought I was dying.”

Mr Wilkinson, from Lisbellaw, recalls how wife Gina phoned for a cardiac ambulance in Enniskillen but while they waited for it to come, paramedics talked her through a vital first aid procedure which was carried out by 16-year-old son Richard.

But there were complications after the ambulance arrived a short time later when a vein could not be found immediately for paramedics to administer a life-saving clot-bursting drug.

“Fortunately, they were able to find one soon after and within a few minutes I was back to normal - the clot-bursting drugs had saved my life,” he said.

“But an ECG carried out in the ambulance showed that I had had another heart attack.”

Despite desperately needing surgery, the earliest Mr Wilkinson could have surgery initially was the end of April. “This was then reduced to the middle of March,” he added.

“But it was brought forward a third time and I had my operation on February 25.

“Yes there was fear about going through an operation but I had been told I had a maximum of six months without it.

“I’m a lover of life. If I didn’t get the operation I was going to die.”

Since the operation, Mr Wilkinson has been able to do basic household chores that would have been impossible several months ago.

“I feel great,” he said. “I am now able to walk upstairs without stopping to catch my breath.”

And he praised Health Minister Shaun Woodward for driving down cardiac waiting lists so patients like him could receive their surgery as quickly as possible.

In a statement, the Department of Health told the Belfast Telegraph: “Last July the Minister set a target that no-one should be waiting more than six months for life-saving cardiac surgery. Our priority is to treat patients as quickly as possible to allow them to resume a full and active life.”

Omagh families fear ‘bomb deal’

BBC


Hugh Orde is to meet the Omagh bomb victims’ families

The families of the Omagh victims will tell the Northern Ireland chief constable of their fears a deal will be cut with the bombers over the outrage.

Michael Gallagher will be on the relatives’ delegation for talks with Sir Hugh Orde and his senior officers.

The Real IRA was blamed for the 1998 attack, which killed 29 people.

Mr Gallagher said relatives were concerned the lack of convictions was because the government was afraid they would later have to free the bombers.

“We are slowly coming to the view that the reason people are not being put behind bars is because it is only a matter of time before there will be a deal between the Irish and British governments and the terrorists that bombed Omagh,” he said.

“That again has been the history of what we have seen recently - it would be an embarrassment for the government that if those responsible for the Omagh bomb had to be released.

“From the governments’ point of view it is better to have those people not in prison so that you don’t have the embarrassment of releasing the Omagh bombers.”

Demolition of last towers begins

BBC


The last Army watchtowers in south Armagh are being demolished

Work has started to remove the last British army watchtowers in south Armagh, the military has said.

The removal of the towers was announced in August 2005, as part of the security normalisation process.

Dismantling the five towers on Camlough Mountain, Jonesborough Hill and Croslieve Hill began on Monday.

The hilltop sites will be returned to greenfield status and a ‘blue light’ emergency services radio mast will remain on Croslieve Hill.

The sangars - fortified defence posts - on top of the towers will be removed by RAF Chinook helicopter and Army engineers have been preparing the sites.

Eight towers have already been dismantled since December 1999 on Sturgan Mountain, Camlough Mountain, Glassdrumman, Cloghoge, Tievecrom, Sugerloaf Hill, Creevekeeran and Drummuckavall.

At present there are just over 9,000 troops in the province, but that will be reduced to no more than 5,000 by 1 August 2007.

The moves are part of the end of Operation Banner, the Army’s support role for the police during the Troubles.

It has been running for 35 years and is the longest operation in British army history.

It will end on 1 August next year.

1916 commemoration ‘a mistake’

Irish Examiner

By Ryle Dwyer
03 April 2006

THE oldest survivor of the War of Independence is opposed to this year’s Easter Rebellion commemoration - despite marching in many military parades over the years.

Colonel Seán Clancy, 104, said: “I don’t think there is much point in commemorating it this year. We used to parade on Easter Sunday. The army marched past at the GPO and so on, but that’s a thing of the past now. The army is not strong enough for parades. Bertie Ahern, I think made a mistake by announcing that he’s going to have a army parade next Easter Sunday, the 90th anniversary.”

Speaking with Maurice O’Keeffe in a Radio Kerry interview last night, he claimed: “We’d be only showing our weakness, if we tried to bring the army out. The cream of the army is away on foreign service. It would be only a skeleton section of the army that would appear on a parade.”

But he thinks the utmost should be done to celebrate the centenary of Easter Rebellion in 2016.

Col Clancy recalls being stationed in Limerick in 1928 when his whole battalion went to Dublin for the Easter parade.

“They did it in a big way in those days, but they haven’t got the men to do it nowadays,” he said.

In the interview, Col Clancy spoke of witnessing the hand over of Dublin Castle in January 1922. He was detailed to go to the castle that morning.

“I remember well - there were 50 or 60 of us, and there was a long delay,” he said.

Michael Collins was uncharacteristically late, and kept the Lord Lieutenant, Lord FitzAlan, waiting.

As Collins alighted from a taxi, Col Clancy recalled that a tall, good-looking man approached him and took out a watch.

“Mr Collins, you’re seven minutes late, and you have kept the Lord Lieutenant waiting,” he said.

“Yerra, you people are here 700 years, what bloody difference will seven minutes make now that you are leaving,” Collins replied.

What Col Clancy and others apparently did not realise was what was really happening was that Michael Collins was receiving his commission as chairman of the Provisional Government from the representative of the British King, the Lord Lieutenant.

That was clearly not something that a Republican would wish to highlight, so the Big Fellow put his own spin on the event by keeping Lord FitzAlan waiting and then afterwards issuing an announcement that he had taken “the surrender of Dublin Castle”.

Revealed: victims of UK’s cold war torture camp

Guardian

Ian Cobain
Monday April 3, 2006
The Guardian

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Archive pictures of German prisoners held by the British following the second world war. Photographs: Martin Argles

Photographs of victims of a secret torture programme operated by British authorities during the early days of the cold war are published for the first time today after being concealed for almost 60 years.

The pictures show men who had suffered months of starvation, sleep deprivation, beatings and extreme cold at one of a number of interrogation centres run by the War Office in postwar Germany.

A few were starved or beaten to death, while British soldiers are alleged to have tortured some victims with thumb screws and shin screws recovered from a gestapo prison. The men in the photographs are not Nazis, however, but suspected communists, arrested in 1946 because they were thought to support the Soviet Union, an ally 18 months earlier.

Apparently believing that war with the Soviet Union was inevitable, the War Office was seeking information about Russian military and intelligence methods. Dozens of women were also detained and tortured, as were a number of genuine Soviet agents, scores of suspected Nazis, and former members of the SS.

Yesterday there were calls for the Ministry of Defence to acknowledge what had happened and apologise. Nick Harvey, the Liberal Democrats’ defence spokesman, said: “It’s too late for anyone to be held personally responsible, or held politically to account, but it’s not too late for the MoD to acknowledge what has happened.”

Sherman Carroll, of the Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture, said British authorities should also apologise and pay compensation to survivors. “The suggestion that Britain did not use torture during world war two and in the immediate aftermath, because it was regarded as ‘ineffective’, is a mythology that has been successfully propagated for decades,” he said. “The fact that it took place should be acknowledged.”

The MoD dismissed the calls, saying questions about the interrogation centres were a matter for the Foreign Office.

Declassified Whitehall papers show that members of the Labour government of the day went to great lengths to hide the ill-treatment, in part, as one minister wrote, to conceal “the fact that we are alleged to have treated internees in a manner reminiscent of the German concentration camps”.

Almost six decades later the photographs were still being kept secret. Four months ago they were removed from a police report on the mistreatment of inmates at one of the interrogation centres, near Hanover, shortly before the document was released to the Guardian under the Freedom of Information Act.

Although the file was in the possession of the Foreign Office, the pictures were removed at the request of the Ministry of Defence. They have finally been released after an appeal by the Guardian. The photographs were taken in February 1947 by a Royal Navy officer who was determined to bring the torture programme to an end. Pictures of other victims, taken by the same officer, appear to have vanished from the Foreign Office files.

Meanwhile documents about a secret interrogation centre which the War Office operated in central London between 1945 and 1948, where large numbers of men are now known to have been badly mistreated, are still being withheld by the Ministry of Defence. Officials say the papers cannot yet be released because they have been contaminated with asbestos.

It is not clear whether the men in the photographs fully recovered from their mistreatment. It is also unclear, from examination of the War Office and Foreign Office documents now available, when the torture of prisoners in Germany came to an end.

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Guardian

The postwar photographs that British authorities tried to keep hidden

· Treatment of suspected communists revealed
· Four court martialled after police inspector’s inquiry

Ian Cobain
Monday April 3, 2006
The Guardian

For almost 60 years, the evidence of Britain’s clandestine torture programme in postwar Germany has lain hidden in the government’s files. Harrowing photographs of young men who had survived being systematically starved, as well as beaten, deprived of sleep and exposed to extreme cold, were considered too shocking to be seen.

As one minister of the day wrote, as few people as possible should be aware that British authorities had treated prisoners “in a manner reminiscent of the German concentration camps”.

Many other photographs known to have been taken have vanished from the archives, and even this year some government officials were arguing that none should be published.

The pictures show suspected communists who were tortured in an attempt to gather information about Soviet military intentions and intelligence methods at a time when some British officials were convinced that a third world war was only months away.

Others interrogated at the same prison, at Bad Nenndorf, near Hanover, included Nazis, prominent German industrialists of the Hitler era, and former members of the SS.

At least two men suspected of being communists were starved to death, at least one was beaten to death, others suffered serious illness or injuries, and many lost toes to frostbite.

The appalling treatment of the 372 men and 44 women who were interrogated at Bad Nenndorf between 1945 and 1947 are detailed in a report by a Scotland Yard detective, Inspector Tom Hayward. He had been called in by senior army officers to investigate the mistreatment of inmates, partly as a result of the evidence provided by these photographs.

Insp Hayward’s report remained secret until last December, when the Guardian secured its release under the Freedom of Information Act. The photographs seen here were removed before the Foreign Office released the report, apparently because the Ministry of Defence did not wish them to be published. That decision was reversed last week, following an appeal by the Guardian.

One of the men photographed, Gerhard Menzel, 23, a student, was arrested by British intelligence officers in Hamburg in June 1946. He had fallen under suspicion because he was believed to have travelled to the British-controlled zone of Germany from Omsk in Siberia, where he had been a prisoner of war. His weight, measured several weeks after his arrest at 10st 3lb, had fallen to 7st 10lb by the time he was transferred from Bad Nenndorf to a British-run internment camp eight months later.

In the meantime, he told Hayward, his hands had been chained behind his back for up to 16 days at a time, periods during which he was repeatedly punched in the face. He had also been held in a bare, freezing cell for up to two weeks at a time and doused in cold water every 30 minutes from 4.30am until midnight, a practice the detective discovered to have been common.

A doctor at the internment camp reported that Mr Menzel was one of a group of 12 inmates transferred from Bad Nenndorf, all emaciated and dressed in rags. Previous arrivals had also been half-starved. Some had facial scars, apparently the result of beatings. A few had scars on their shins, said to be the result of torture with shin screws which had been retrieved from a Gestapo prison at Hamburg.

Mr Menzel “was only skin and bones,” the doctor wrote. “He could neither walk nor stand up without assistance, and could only speak with difficulty because his tongue and lips were swollen and broken open.

“It was impossible to take his body temperature because it was not higher than 35 degrees Celsius and the thermometer only starts at 35.”

The prisoner was also confused, anxious and suffering memory loss, his lungs were badly infected and his blood pressure was dangerously low. Only after being washed, fed and heated with lamps could his body temperature be raised to 36.3C, but the doctor feared his chances of survival were slim.

Another man pictured, Heinz Biedermann, 20, a clerk, had been arrested in October 1946 because he was in the British zone, while his father, who lived at Stendal in the Russian zone, had been identified as “an ardent communist”. By the time he was transferred from Bad Nenndorf four months later his weight had fallen from 11st 3lb to 7st 12lb. He said he had been held in solitary confinement for much of the time, threatened with execution, and forced to live and sleep in sub-zero temperatures while barely clothed.

One British army guard told Inspector Hayward that Mr Biedermann had “wasted like a candle” during his imprisonment. Another, a private in the Essex Regiment, told the detective that he complained that he and his comrades were behaving as badly as Germans. “I became very unpopular after this … the sergeant appeared to take a poor view of my remarks.”

On Mr Biedermann’s transfer to the internment camp, an officer at Bad Nenndorf requested he be detained “for an adequate time” to prevent him giving the Soviets “detailed information on this centre and methods of interrogation”.

Foreign Office records show that the navy officer commanding the internment camp, Captain Arthur Curtis, was so shocked by the condition of the men being sent to him that he ordered these photographs be taken to support his complaints about the treatment of these “living skeletons”. Photographs of several other prisoners, taken at the same time, appear to have vanished from the Foreign Office files.

On the other side of the British zone, meanwhile, a Royal Artillery officer was complaining about the state of Bad Nenndorf inmates who were being dumped from a truck at the entrance to a military hospital. Some weighed little more than six stones, and two died shortly after their arrival.

The records show that Bad Nenndorf was run by a War Office department called the Combined Services Detailed Interrogation Centre (CSDIC).

By late 1946, CSDIC appears to have lost interest in Nazis, and was targeting communists. It appears the prisoners were questioned about Soviet methods and intentions, rather than about the Communist party itself.

Some of Bad Nenndorf’s inmates were indeed spying for the Soviets: one prisoner, who was half-Norwegian and half-Russian, told Hayward he was an officer in the NKVD, the predecessor of the KGB, and had been operating continuously in Germany since 1938. Another, a German journalist who had been freed by the Soviets from a Gestapo prison, was caught flying into Croydon aerodrome with false British papers. Both men were starved and badly tortured.

Others clearly were not spies, however. One man who was starved to death was a gay ex-soldier caught with forged papers while crossing into the British zone in search of his lover, while the other was a young German who was being interrogated because he had volunteered to spy for the British in the Russian zone, and was wrongly suspected of lying because of an official error over his medical records.

Four British officers were court martialled after Hayward’s investigation. Declassified documents show that the hearings were held largely behind closed doors to prevent the Soviets from discovering that Russians were being detained.

Another consideration was admitted to be the determination to conceal the existence of several other CSDIC prisons. While it is now known that one interrogation centre was in central London, little is known about those in Germany, other than their locations.

Following the courts martial, the prison at Bad Nenndorf, which was in a converted bath-house, was replaced with a purpose-built interrogation centre near an RAF base at Gütersloh, and orders were issued for inmates to be examined by a doctor before interrogation. It is unclear when this centre closed.

The only officer at Bad Nenndorf to be convicted was the prison doctor. At the age of 49, his sentence was to be dismissed from the army. The commanding officer, Colonel Robin Stephens, was cleared of a charge of “disgraceful conduct of a cruel kind” and told he was free to apply to rejoin his former employers at MI5.






















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