SAOIRSE32

25/4/2006

Officers in civilian shooting inquiry take early retirement

Daily Ireland

by Ciarán Barnes
25/04/2006

A number of PSNI members involved in an operation which resulted in an unarmed civilian being shot dead have taken early retirement.
As a result of the officers’ retirements, the Police Ombudsman, which has been investigating the controversial killing of Neil McConville, is unable to instigate disciplinary action against the ex-officers should they be found guilty of malpractice.
The Ombudsman’s report is due to be published before the end of the year.
It is expected to be heavily critical of the PSNI operation and of Special Branch detectives who deleted files relating to the case.
Mr McConville was shot dead at close range near Lisburn, Co Antrim, on April 29, 2003.
Sources within the ombudsman’s office told Daily Ireland that “a number” of officers involved in the McConville case had taken early retirement.
They were unable to put a figure on how many this involved, although they said the police operation on the night involved “many, many officers”.
The admission came after Barry McConville, a cousin of the dead man, complained that Ombudsman investigators were unable to question key police witnesses because they had gone on sick leave after the killing. It is understood that at least one of these officers retired after spending two years on sick leave.
“Because of officers going on sick leave and others taking early retirement the Police Ombudsman has not been able to carry out a proper investigation,” said Mr McConville.
The controversy surrounding the McConville killing came to the fore again after the PSNI shot dead suspected car thief Steven Colwell on Easter Sunday.
Like Mr McConville, Mr Colwell was unarmed and apparently shot at close range. The officer who fatally wounded Mr Colwell, has been on sick leave since the killing.

Oppose British occupation, oppose royal visit

Indymedia.ie

By Josephine Hayden - Republican Sinn Féin

Republican Sinn Fein will hold a picket at Iveagh House, 80 St Stephens Green, Dublin on April 26 at 12.30pm in protest at the visit of the husband of the Queen of England. While British troops occupy any part of our country, British royals are not welcome.

Press Release/Preas Ráiteas

RSF oppose British Royal visit

Statement by Des Dalton, Vice President, Republican Sinn Féin

The visit by the husband of the British head of State to Dublin on April 26 is merely a warm-up for a visit by the Queen of England to the 26 Counties. Republican Sinn Féin oppose this, or future visits, by representatives of a State which claims jurisdiction over part of Ireland. This is a claim, which is, and has been in the past, enforced by military might on the Irish people.

The February edition of Saoirse linked the aborted loyalist march in Dublin on February 25 with a proposed visit by the English Queen. All of this is part of a campaign to normalise British rule in Ireland. Something which will never be either acceptable or normal. Saoirse said: “the siren voices tell Republicans to ignore this loyalist march. If we do, they will return with even greater insistence and tell us to ignore the state Visit of the Queen of England. In other words, to stay away, make no protest, and accept finally that the Six Occupied Counties belong to England. Is that what you want? NEVER.”
ENDS

Relatives ‘frustrated’ as: No date yet for ‘Sunday’report publication

Derry Journal

25 April 2006

The Bloody Sunday Inquiry insists it “isn’t possible’ to give a firm date for the publication of Lord Saville’s eagerly-awaited report into the Bogside massacre.
Reports that the long-awaited findings could be delayed until the end of the year have been described as “very, very frustrating” by a sister of one of the Bloody Sunday victims.
Kay Duddy, whose brother Jackie was among those gunned down, says rumours of further delays have left relatives feeling “very uncertain”.
Last night, a spokesperson for the Inquiry would only say that the report is “currently in preparation”.
She added: “It has been necessary for the Tribunal to look at a very large quantity of material so that it is not possible, at this stage, to give any firm estimate of when the report is likely to be finished.”
Kay Duddy acknowledged that the relatives “haven’t been told anything officially, but we have heard that it could be the end of the year before we hear anything, or maybe even the beginning of next year.”
She added: “The problem is that nobody is telling us anything, that’s the most frustrating part of it all. As far as I know they haven’t been in touch with our legal teams at all.
“If they would even let us know, one way or the other, it would be half the battle,” she said.
The Saville Inquiry spanned eight years in total, completing its proceedings over 18 months ago.
More than 900 eyewitnesses gave evidence to the probe and, initially, it had been suggested the report would be published last summer.
Ms. Duddy added: “Whatever length of time it takes - so be it - they’re taking their time and doing it right. But it’s the uncertainty of it all that’s worst.
“Obviously, it means they’re doing a thorough job - but if we even had an idea of when to expect it, we’d be able to prepare ourselves for this report.”
She also believes that delays in the publication of the final report could upset more than just the families: “It’s terrible for all those people who went through the trauma of giving evidence at the Inquiry. It’s important to all of them, and all the people who stop you in the street to ask if there’s any word yet.”
Families first
Ms. Duddy also reiterated the call that it is “vitally important” the report is released to the families first.
“One thing we are very concerned about is that this isn’t leaked to anyone before the families see it. This is vitally important to us.”

Derry taxi men plan big protest

Derry Journal

25 April 2006

DERRY COULD experience serious traffic disruption tomorrow afternoon when up to 150 protesting taxi drivers are expected to join a cavalcade to the DVLNI offices at Newbuildings where they will hand in a petition.
The drivers are protesting about the suspension of taxi regulations which were to be introduced in two months time.
Paul Leonard, Chairman of the Taxi Drivers Initiative (TDI) said the local taxi industry was now at crisis point.
He told the Journal yesterday: “This demonstration is to demand the immediate introduction of that legislation and a fare structure in order that taximen get a fair day’s pay for a day’s work. The industry is being crippled due to the number of illegal taxis which swamp this town, and the DOE has been anything but sympathetic to our plight.
“This legislation is very important in that it puts the onus on taxi office owners and makes it their responsibility in regards who they employ.
“We have also tabled a parliamentary question through the offices of the SDLP and we welcome the fact that this protest has received the support of all the political parties.”
The initiative was set up two years ago in response to the introduction of taxi plates for the licensing of public service vehicles and have raised their concerns with the Department of the Environment previously.
Paul Leonard said: “We have to take a stand and let people know that the astronomical high costs of running and maintaining a taxi. Our PSV costs alone have doubled in that time but the DOE only paid lip service to our concerns so we felt we had no choice but take our concerns onto the streets.”
The cavalcade departs Sainsbury’s carpark at 10.30am travel south along the Foyle embankment across Foyle Street, up Shipquay Street, down Carlisle Road over the bridge down the Victoria Road to the DVLNI Test centre where they will hand in the petition outlining their concerns. All taxi drivers are welcome to participate.

Hume and the RIRA

Daily Ireland

Nobel Prize winner is rebuffed after peace initiative attempt with dissidents

By Connla Young
25/04/2006

Image Hosted by ImageShack.usFormer SDLP leader John Hume attempted to broker a peace deal with the Real IRA before retiring from politics, Daily Ireland can reveal.
The Nobel peace prize winner, who retired as MP for Foyle last year, invited the anti-Good Friday Agreement group to enter into talks based on the Hume/Adams model which eventually led to the Provisional IRA’s 1994 ceasefire.
Daily Ireland understands that the former leader of the SDLP met with several individuals close to the leadership of the Real IRA at a house on Derry’s west bank in late 2002.
During the meeting, which was arranged to discuss conditions under which republican prisoners were being held in Maghaberry prison, Mr Hume invited the Real IRA to meet with him on the same basis as the Hume/Adams talks over a decade earlier. The talks which began in 1988 are credited with helping to create a framework for the current peace process.
The Derry man was recognised for his peace efforts by the international community in 1998 when he and former Ulster Unionist Party boss and First Minister David Trimble shared the Nobel Peace Prize.
Although MP for Foyle at the time of the Real IRA offer, Mr Hume handed over leadership of the party he helped establish to fellow Derry man Mark Durkan a year earlier.
While Mr Hume’s attempt to bring the Real IRA campaign to an end was rejected by the grouping, it is believed that informal contacts have been maintained between the paramilitary group and officials from his party.
In a statement issued to Daily Ireland, the Real IRA confirmed that Mr Hume made the offer to meet the its leaders but that offer was rejected.
“Our view was that we are in the business of a united Ireland and unless we are getting that, we are not going to talk about ending our armed struggle.”

Trial date fixed for Omagh accused Murphy

BN.ie

25/04/2006 - 11:55:31

The Special Criminal Court in Dublin today fixed a date next year for the trial of Colm Murphy, who is awaiting a retrial for offences connected with the Omagh bombing in 1998.

Murphy was freed on bail last year after the Court of Criminal Appeal quashed his conviction for conspiracy offences connected with the Real IRA bombing which killed 29 people, including a woman pregnant with twins, and injured more than 300 people.

Today, prosecution solicitor Mr Denis Butler told the court that he was seeking a trial date for early next year. The court fixed Murphy’s trial for January 11 next year and remanded him on continuing bail until then. Murphy was in court for the brief hearing today.

Murphy was jailed for 14 years by the Special Criminal Court in January 2002 for his alleged role in the Omagh bomb . He was the first person to be convicted in either the Republic or Northern Ireland in connection with the Real IRA bombing, the worst terrorist atrocity in the history of the 30 years of the Troubles.

In January last year, the Court of Criminal Appeal overturned the conviction and ordered a retrial after finding that the court of trial had failed to give proper regard to altered garda interview notes and that there had been “an invasion of the presumption of innocence” in the judgement on Murphy.

During a 25-day trial in 2001 and 2002, Murphy, (aged 53), a father of four, building contractor and publican who is a native of Co Armagh with an address at Jordan’s Corner, Ravensdale, Co Louth had pleaded not guilty to conspiring in Dundalk with another person not before the court to cause an explosion in the State or elsewhere between August 13 and 16, 1998.

Rival flags issue returns to town

BBC


A deal was agreed on removing flags

An initiative to boost community relations in Ballymena by removing rival flags appears to be foundering.

A loyalist mural was removed outside Harryville church as part of the deal, but loyalist flags went up in the town centre on Monday night.

William Cameron of the loyalist Ulster Political Research Group said republican flags had not come down.

Republican spokesman Paddy Murray said flags erected after Apprentice Boys’ flags went up were being removed.

“We are sincere and genuine about removing flags,” he said.

He said that if people were “serious” all the flags should be removed from lampposts, not just on main thoroughfares but also in estates.

Mr Cameron said that republicans only started to remove their flags when loyalists started to erect more.

“It’s a matter of principle,” he said, adding that if republicans kept their end of the agreement the loyalist flags would be removed.

“When they have removed what they said they would in the agreement then loyalists will do the same,” he added.

A UDA mural near the Church of Our Lady at Harryville in Ballymena was taken down after cross-community talks.

It was replaced by an Ulster Scots mural featuring symbols such as a shamrock and Red Hand of Ulster.

Irish tricolours were also removed from the north end of Ballymena in a deal brokered by Harryville Ulster Scots Society.

Youth workers also painted out red, white and blue paint from railings around Harryville church.

The church was the scene of loyalist protests and sporadic trouble over the past few years.

Loyalist protesters mounted a weekly picket outside the church during Saturday evening Mass between September 1996 and May 1998.

The protests were called off shortly after the Good Friday Agreement received 71% support in a referendum.

The picket was mounted because of loyalist anger over nationalist objections to a march by the Protestant Orange Order through nearby Dunloy.

Cross-community flags deal hangs in the balance

Daily Ireland

By Nevin Farrell
24/04/2006

A historic cross-community deal which saw the removal of a UDA mural overlooking Harryville Catholic church and the removal of republican flags in Ballymena was last night hanging in the balance.
Loyalists and republicans painstakingly hammered out the scheme in recent months with the help of negotiators but over the weekend the emblems deal was in turmoil.
Loyalists said they were backing out of the scheme accusing republicans of failing to honour their side of the deal.
With ongoing shuttle diplomacy in recent days failing to save the cross-community plan, loyalists issued a statement saying the deal was off because republican flags were still in place.
And loyalist community officials said the UDA mural could go back up in Harryville in place of a non-militaristic Ulster Scots mural which was unveiled a few weeks ago.
Loyalists are saying that as part of the original deal, the mural came down and red, white and blue paint was removed from around Harryville church in response to what should have been all republican flags coming down at the main Cushendall Road in north Ballymena and also in the Dunclug housing estate.
But a republican spokesman claimed the Dunclug estate flags were not part of the original deal, which he said only involved main thoroughfares and the Cushendall Road flags which they did remove.
New loyalist flags, including Apprentice Boys of Derry emblems, were erected on main roads in the Harryville area ahead of the Easter Monday Apprentice Boys’ parade in the town.
The loyalists involved in the initial deal said they were not responsible for erecting the Apprentice Boys’ parade flags and couldn’t be held accountable for them.
Republican flags were then re-erected on the main Cushendall Road which republicans said was in response to the new Harryville flags.
A loyalist spokesman, who didn’t wish to be named, but who has been closely involved in the ongoing negotiations in Ballymena, issued the following statement: “Due to the refusal of the people responsible for the flags on the Cushendall Road and Dunclug Park in Ballymena north, agreements between community groups have now come to a standstill.
“The loyalists have now begun negotiations between themselves with regard to this situation as we have been inundated with calls about the flying of the flags in Ballymena north. These complaints have come from both sides of the community.
“This deal was to take place on April 1 and the only people that stuck to the deal were the loyalists with the work taking place at Harryville chapel.
“Unfortunately, after extending the deadline on two occasions for the removal of the flags in Ballymena North the loyalists have no alternative but to cancel all deals that have previously been agreed and we will not enter into negotiations on any more deals until the removal of all flags in Ballymena North.”
Paddy Murray, a spokesman dealing with republican flags, said: “The loyalists are saying that because the new flags that went up in Harryville were put up by the Apprentice Boys that they are outside the deal.
“But that is wrong. If some other group put up flags at the Cushendall Road we would still be responsible for them.”

CIRA issues ‘stay-away’ threat to English queen

Daily Ireland

by Ciarán Barnes
24/04/2006

The Continuity IRA is preparing to embark on a campaign in a bid to force England’s Queen Elizabeth to scrap a planned visit to Ireland.
In a statement released to Daily Ireland yesterday, the organisation said “any visit by the queen of England to any part of Ireland will be fully opposed” and that “the queen of England is not welcome in Ireland and any such visit will be resisted with all the force at our disposal”.
The “stay away” message came days after the PSNI uncovered a 250-pound (113-kilogram) Continuity IRA (CIRA) car bomb in Lurgan, Co Armagh. Two men have been charged in connection with the find.
The intended target of the bomb is believed to have been Lurgan PSNI station.
Yesterday senior security sources in the North said further dissident republican bomb attacks were expected in the coming months.
A week before the discovery of the Lurgan car bomb, a similar device was found abandoned in Derry city.
Republican Sinn Féin (RSF) — the political wing of the Continuity IRA — has also warned against a royal visit.
The party organised a protest against the Love Ulster parade through Dublin at the end of February.
Referring to the Love Ulster march, a party spokesman said: “We saw how Leinster House ministers were so readily available to meet leaders of a loyalist organisation.
“The Free Staters got their answer when the local community showed their resentment at what could only be described as an exercise of appeasement of their British masters.
“We urge republicans throughout Ireland to start now and prepare for the next act of appeasement — the visit of the foreign queen of England, who claims jurisdiction over part of our country,” said the RSF spokesman.
A date has yet to be set for Elizabeth Windsor’s visit to the Southern state, which would be the first by a British monarch since partition.
The presence of the British ambassador at the official Easter 1916 commemoration in Dublin has heightened speculation that an announcement is imminent.

DUP pledges to consult speedily on an executive with Sinn Féin

Belfast Telegraph

Political correspondent Noel McAdam travelled to Killarney yesterday for the DUP’s ground-breaking presentation to the British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body

25 April 2006

The DUP’s planned extensive consultation with the unionist community to decide on a power-sharing Executive with Sinn Fein could take weeks rather than months, it emerged last night.

But the process may not even begin until the next report from ceasefire watchdog, the Independent Monitoring Commission, which is not expected until October.

A senior party delegation told the British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body meeting in Killarney yesterday that it wanted to see stable self-government for Northern Ireland established as quickly as possible.

And both deputy leader Peter Robinson and Lagan Valley MP Jeffrey Donaldson told the assembled MPs and TDs they believe the consultations, which would precede any final party decision on going into government with republicans, could be completed within weeks.

Mr Robinson, however, warned that, at its present pace, the republican movement will not meet the current deadlines with the Government threatening to shut down the Assembly without a devolution deal by November 24.

The four-strong delegation, which included MPs Nigel Dodds and Iris Robinson, faced just over 50 minutes of questioning after a half-hour address by Mr Robinson.

The DUP made political history as the first unionist party to address the body, which includes Scottish, Welsh, Channel Islands and Isle of Man representatives.

Questioners included Sinn Fein TD Arthur Morgan who apologised for sitting with his back to the delegation, because of the way conference chairing was organised, and asked when the DUP envisaged its consultations could begin.

Mr Donaldson said the listening exercise would start when the party believed the potential exists for moving forward towards a Stormont executive.

“It shouldn’t be any longer than a number of weeks,” he added.

Mr Donaldson also agreed with Cork East TD Joe Sherlock that Northern Ireland was becoming increasingly segregated - and with Cavan TD Seymour Crawford that the province continues to lose its undergraduates.

More Protestants are living in predominantly Protestant areas and more Catholics in predominantly Catholic areas than five, ten or 15 years ago, Mr Donaldson said, but a major cause was the influence of paramilitaries “on both sides”.

“We can have all the agreements we want at a political level, but unless we deal with these problems on the ground that are causing greater polarisation … we are only applying a sticking plaster over a very deep wound,” he added.

Earlier, Mr Robinson said his hope would be that the consultations would last weeks rather than “months upon months”.

But he also made clear the DUP wants to share its “homeland” with parties holding different and conflicting political ideals.

“We accept the legitimacy of those who seek - using solely democratic and peaceful means - to advance their aspiration of a united Ireland,” he told the gathering. “And, with no less legitimacy, we will - using solely democratic and peaceful means - oppose them.”

There were no angry exchanges during the afternoon presentation, during which members of the body which unionists have boycotted for 16 years praised the courage, initiative and “powerful contribution” of the DUP team.

Mr Dodds said when unionists heard talk of urgency and deadlines, they asked why republicans had been given so much time - with the IRA, for example, still refusing to admit responsibility for the Northern Bank raid.

The North Belfast MP said concern in the Republic over sharing government with Sinn Fein was “very understandable. How can you not expect unionists who have lived on the receiving end of murder and mayhem for 35 years not to feel the need for caution.”

Irish Foreign Minister Dermot Ahern, who met the DUP delegation briefly in private afterwards, said their visit had been a “small, but very significant” step and he hoped the body could become the forum for all strands of political opinion on the island.

But Mr Ahern also made clear the November 24 deadline was “real and very real”. Without agreement by then, the Irish and British Governments would maximise implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and “bring forward” the work of North-South co-operation.

“It is our responsibility to do so,” Mr Ahern said.

INLA hunted evil murderer Hamilton, but the police got to him first

Belfast Telegraph

IRSP official says ‘terror’ group wanted to quiz killer

By Clare Weir
24 April 2006

A senior republican last night confirmed the INLA was searching for brutal killer Trevor Hamilton to quiz him over the whereabouts of missing librarian Attracta Harron, before he was arrested by the PSNI.

Willie Gallagher, a leading Strabane member of the Irish Republican Socialist Party, said Hamilton’s mother and another person met with him after being warned by police that the farmworker was under threat from dissident republicans.

The 23-year-old, who is soon to be sentenced for murdering Mrs Harron, had already raped and threatened another woman when he was just 17.

Less than four months after his release from a seven-year sentence for that crime, Mrs Harron was brutally murdered.

Mr Gallagher said last night that both Hamilton’s mother and the person who accompanied her believed that Hamilton “was no way involved” in the mother-of-five’s fate.

Only his arrest a short time later saved him from being questioned by a republican gang.

Mr Gallagher said last night: “Mrs Hamilton and another person came to me and when I asked them why they came to us and not the Continuity or Real IRA, which I would class as dissidents, they said that the police had given them advice.

“They said that Hamilton was under threat and they wanted it clarified. They both vouched for him.

“They said he had problems.”

Added the IRSP man, whose party is the political wing of the INLA: “I never got back to them after they came to me but I think it is a gross exaggeration to say that there was a death threat out against him,”

“I certainly think from the information I was given, that people wanted to question him about the whereabouts of the body. A lot of people were aware of his past and his background and I think the INLA wanted to make their own inquiries.

“People thought beyond a shadow of a doubt that he was involved.

“However, he was then arrested, but I have to say I understand that the intention was always to question him, certainly not to kill him.”

Attracta vanished on her way home from Mass in Lifford, Co Donegal, in late 2003. Her bludgeoned body was discovered in a shallow grave behind Hamilton’s home the following April and he was arrested shortly afterwards.

His trial ended with a guilty verdict earlier this month, and a warning that he may never be freed again.

BATTLE OF ROTTENROW

Daily Record

24 April 2006

CRIMES THAT ROCKED SCOTLAND:

THE DEADLY DEPRESSION…A prison wagon is ambushed…a police officer shot dead in a mass gunfight…this isn’t a movie, it’s happening on the streets of Glasgow

THE Black Maria spluttered and spat as it neared the top of the hill. The driver changed down a gear and revved harder, but the weary motor was going to be the least of his worries.

Free Image Hosting at www.ImageShack.usIt was Wednesday May 4 1921. The cop wagon with the worn-out engine was ferrying prisoners from Glasgow’s old Central Police Court in St Andrew’s Square to Duke Street Prison, like cop wagons did five days a week. (Duke Street Prison - click photo to view - image from The Glasgow Story)

No one paid any heed. Well, almost no one.

The back of the van was split into what they called dog boxes. They still do. Small metal compartments, a yard square stretching from the floor to the roof.

Each one housed a prisoner, separated from all the others. Too cramped to get up to much badness - that was the theory.

Cramped as he was, Frank J Carty might well have been pleased that he was separated from the only other con being transported that day. The bloke was a small time low-life facing charges of indecent assault - not the kind of company a Commandant of the Sligo Branch of semi-automatic shooters would keep.

In 1921, there were three cops in the front of the van, squeezed in beside the driver. Each of the escorts had a handgun. That was top security back then.

It wasn’t much and the cops knew it. They were nervous, tense, tight-lipped. But they were almost there when they turned off the High Street and started along the prison walls.

The cops were beginning to relax. That’s when the bullets started flying.

Scores of attackers came streaming at them from three sides, out of Cathedral Street, Rottenrow and a nearby lane. Bullets smashed into the van and the windscreen was shattered.

Early on, one slug hit Detective Superintendent Robert Johnstone, ripping off a chunk of his skull. The officer fell from the open door of the van, tried desperately to get up, then collapsed there on the street.

Johnston’s colleagues, Detective Sergeant George Stirton and DC Murdoch McDonald, were out after their gaffer in a flash, guns in hand. Standing over Johnston’s blood-spattered body, they traded shots with the IRA.

The ambush had been planned perfectly. The cop wagon was stuck.

Also known sometimes as Frank Somers, Carty had played an active part in the IRA’s battle to free Ireland from British rule.

It was only five years after the Easter Rising, which saw the IRA take over the main post office in Dublin in a bloody shoot-out with the British Army.

These were dangerous days and Frank Carty was a dangerous man. A man the Irish authorities couldn’t hold - he had escaped from two of their jails in the previous two years.

Now he had fallen into the Glasgow cops’ hands on minor charges. That morning he had appeared at court and been bound over until the next weekend.

Enough time to ship him back to Ireland. But would they be able to?

The Scottish cops had been warned that there was going to be an attempt to free Carty during the journeys to and from the court.

These days there would be helicopters hovering above, a convoy of cop cars, an armoured and bulletproof wagon for the prisoner, motorcycle outriders and more between the walls of Duke Street Prison and a water pumping station. All walls, no windows, no witnesses.

Gunmen surrounded the cops, pinning them down with heavy fire at the front of the Black Maria, then moved in.

Stirton was wounded in the wrist but kept firing. Even the unarmed police driver, Thomas Ross, did his best, fighting hand to hand with the gun-toting attackers

As all that action happened at the front of the van, the IRA ambushers tried to free their comrade at the rear.

But the doors wouldn’t budge. One man shoved the barrel of his heavy-duty pistol right at the lock, and blasted.

In the movies, the metal doors would have just swung open. But this was the streets of Glasgow. The door stayed shut.

Swearing loudly, the gunman fired again, and again. Inside the van, the bullets pinged off one wall to another and ricocheted again, almost blasting the head off Carty. Still the doors wouldn’t budge.

In fury, the ambushers yanked at the doors, booted the locks - with no result.

Realising what was happening, Sergeant Stirton, bloodied and with his gun arm wounded, headed towards the ambush party, pointing his pistol at them.

The IRA group turned to deal with him and he stood there face-to-face, only feet away. He lifted his gun, his arm shaking with pain and promptly dropped it.

Stirton’s arm was too badly injured even to pull the trigger. Now he was a sitting duck, a dead man for sure.

But suddenly, one of the gang gave a signal and they were off. Attack over.

The IRA team knew what they were doing. They broke up into small groups and headed away in many different directions, down different lanes and closes. Again, they had chosen the location well.

Three minutes and it was all over. Or was it?

DS Stirton had given chase but soon wearied, due to the loss of blood from his wounds. As other cops arrived, and medics tried to save Detective Superintendent Johnstone, Ross managed to get the bullet-riddled Black Maria started and finally drove it into Duke Street Prison.

There, prison staff found that the back doors of the old wagon had stuck. That was why the IRA gang couldn’t open the doors.

In fact, it took several hours, and specialist equipment, to free Carty and the other prisoner, now weeping hysterically.

Back at the scene of the ambush cops were questioning bystanders.

The IRA team had disappeared. But the police knew where to start looking.

By night time, cops had raided numerous houses in Abercrombie Street in the Gallowgate where they believed Republican sympathisers lived.

But word of the ambush had spread fast through the city, and crowds were congregating at the ambush scene and all through the east end.

Bad blood, on a religious divide, was rife in the city. In the few decades before, thousands of Irish immigrants had been forced to move to Glasgow to escape famine back home.

The Irish believed, with some justificantion, that the authorities were biased against them. Massive gangs had been formed, such as the mainly Protestant Billy Boys and Roman Catholic Norman Conks, and they took their sectarian violence to the street with razors and coshes.

The IRA ambush was just one step further down that line, and the police were desperate to stamp their authority and nab the culprits. In doing so, they arrested as many people as they could, until the mob sussed them out.

The arrest of a priest is thought to have triggered the violence. When the cops came out of a house in the Gallowgate they were met by a screaming mob, looking for blood.

Later that day, an even larger crowd chased a team of police who tried to arrest five well - known young men.

By evening, an estimated 2000 rioters milled around the Gallowgate, making it a no go area for the police. The mob chanted, threw stones, smashed up shops and attacked trams.

That night, they lit bonfires and continued the rampage, looting and robbing. They assaulted everyone in a uniform, and anyone they suspected to be on the side of the police.

Glasgow had turned in to a lawless city. Detective Superintendent Johnstone had died and DS Stirton was in a critical state.

The police were armed and moved through the streets in convoy, determined to get the suspects. The Army moved to a central location in the city and waited for orders to act.

In the houses the cops hit, they didn’t just find suspects. They found more than 50 handguns, dozens of rifles, boxes of ammo, gelignite and blades.

At the time, the weapons finds were the biggest ever in Scotland. Glasgow was a sectarian tinderbox.

The riot raged all that night and rumbled on for days after.

Only 12 people were arrested for rioting - a mark of how the mob, and not the cops, ruled the streets. But 34 suspects were arrested in connection with the ambush.

All the suspects faced possible charges of murdering Detective Superintendent Johnstone, and attempting to murder DS Stirton and Constables Ross and McDonald. These were hanging offences.

Days after the ambush, Carty was secretly and quietly transported to Dublin.

A short while later, Detective Superintendent Johnstone was buried, after one of the biggest funeral processions Glasgow had ever seen.

Now it was the turn of citizens to mourn a cop they thought of as a hero.

Eventually, 13 men appeared at the High Court in Edinburgh in August 1921, charged with murder, attempted murder and conspiring to free a prisoner.

DS Stirton, not yet fully recovered, had positively identfied nine of the accused. All the men pled not guilty, and their skilled defence counsel produced alibis for every one of them.

It was down to the jury to decide who to believe - the police officer who had almost died in the line of duty, or the accused, their friends and relatives.

On August 61921, the jury was out and Scotland held its breath. Would anyone be punished for the biggest street battle Glasgow had seen in those troubled times?

Six of the accused were found not guilty, the other seven not proven. The jury had chosen to believe the accused, not Stirton the police hero.

Someone had murdered a policeman in Glasgow and walked away free. Someone had tried to murder another cop and would never be brought to justice.

No one else was ever tried over the Battle of Rottenrow. But 85 years on, there are still bullet holes high up on the old prison walls - a sad reminder of the day Glasgow’s streets ran red with blood.

The cop was a dead man for sure. Then one of the gang gave a signal and the attack was over

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