SAOIRSE32

BBC

For two months there has been speculation that Andre and Ihab Shoukri, widely believed to be UDA leaders in north Belfast, were to be ousted. Now, the organisation’s leadership has spoken. BBC Northern Ireland home affairs correspondent Vincent Kearney reports.

The Shoukri brothers are unlikely loyalists. The sons of an Egyptian father who married a local woman, they were far from the typical recruits for the UDA, an organisation with links to the racist group Combat 18.

Andre Shoukri was jailed for two years

Andre Shoukri, 28, is alleged to have risen through the ranks to take over the leadership of the organisation in north Belfast shortly after Johnny Adair was expelled from the organisation.

In 2004, he was one of the UDA’s so-called “brigadiers” who met the then Secretary of State Paul Murphy. In July 2003, he was given a two-year prison sentence for possession of a gun.

Ihab, 31, has denied being a member of the UDA, and earlier this month charges of UDA and UFF membership were dropped when a judge ruled that there wasn’t enough evidence to convict him.

But senior loyalist and security sources have consistently said that both brothers are senior members of the organisation.

That is no longer the case. In their statement, the UDA’s ruling body, its inner council’, said it had expelled a number of members in north Belfast.

The statement did not name any individuals, but senior loyalist sources say they are the two Shoukri brothers and another close associate.

The statement also called on the other UDA members in the area to “begin a process of selection and election to replace the individuals expelled.”

It took a short time to write, but many weeks to agree. While the statement suggests that the UDA leadership is speaking with one voice, it has taken them a long time to reach that position.

The UDA is divided into six areas and the leaders of each call themselves “brigadiers”.

Four of the brigadiers, Jackie McDonald in south Belfast, Matt Kinkaid who runs the organisation in west Belfast, Billy McFarland, its leader in north Antrim and Londonderry and the leader in east Belfast, have wanted to move against the north Belfast leadership for some time.

Ihab Shoukri denied being in the UDA

But the position of the organisation’s leader in south-east Antrim has been ambiguous.

He initially backed the Shoukris and refused to endorse any move against them.

There have been many meetings of the ‘inner council’ to discuss the issue in recent weeks, but on a number of occasions he refused to attend, sending representatives instead.

It is believed his position changed in recent days when he made clear that he wants to remain with the rest of the ‘inner council’, rather than stand alongside the Shoukri brothers.

So what is it all about? Why have two of the UDA’s most high profile members been expelled?

It is highly ironic that they stand accused by the rest of the UDA leadership of widespread criminality, of running a drugs empire, extorting tens of thousands of pounds from local businesses, and siphoning off money from funds for UDA prisoners.

In court earlier this year, police said Andre Shoukri had gambled £863,000 in a Belfast bookmakers.

Criminality within the UDA is nothing new.

The organisation has long been associated with drugs, extortion and racketeering. Indeed, the last report by the International Monitoring Commission stated that the level of crime within the organisation was endemic.

The problem for the Shoukri brothers was that the allegations about their activities became public knowledge, and at a time when the rest of the UDA leadership is talking about transformation and insisting that it is committed to moving away from crime.

It was a bad time to be washing very dirty linen in public.

There have also been allegations of threats from the north Belfast UDA against at least two of the other leaders, and claims that Shoukri supporters were planning to act independently, effectively creating their own autonomous unit.

History shows that UDA fall-outs often end in bloodshed
In the past, it would have been handled differently. Men would have arrived armed and would have told Ihab Shoukri and his closest associates to leave the country, if not worse.

But today, because the organisation is talking about transformation, of leaving the past behind, those tactics could not be deployed.

So what happens now?

Andre Shoukri is in prison, on remand charged with blackmail, intimidation and money laundering. The movements of Ihab will be watched closely by the UDA leadership in the coming days.

History shows that UDA fall-outs often end in bloodshed. There was a bitter feud when Johnny Adair was expelled from the organisation four years ago, resulting in a number of deaths including John Gregg, a “brigadier” killed by Adair supporters.

Another UDA leader, Jim Gray, was shot dead by former associates in east Belfast last October in another internal dispute over allegations of criminal activity including drug dealing.

The so-called north Belfast brigade appears to be isolated. It is said to have up to 800 members, but the vast majority are inactive.

There is a hard core of a few dozen seasoned terrorists and their decision will determine how this latest chapter in the history of the UDA ends.

The UDA statement makes it clear that it wants what it calls its “valued” members in north Belfast to select a new leadership.

They now have a clear choice - agree or stand by the Shoukri brothers and risk confrontation with the rest of the organisation.

And even if the rank and file UDA membership in north Belfast agrees to support the decision by the leadership, there is no guarantee that the Shoukri faction will accept it.

If they don’t, the UDA could be embroiled in yet another bloody dispute.

Ballymoney Today

Via Newshound

MOYLE District Council is to consider hosting a civic ceremony to commemorate the 90th anniversary of Roger Casement.

At a recent meeting Sinn Fein Councillor Cara McShane proposed that council host a fitting tribute to the man who “spent most of his young life growing up in North Antrim”.
She said the tribute could incorporate a civic based event as well as a permanent exhibition of Roger Casement memorabilia in Ballycastle museum.
Councillor McShane told the meeting: “Council has a civic duty to show leadership, Roger Casement was a very famous figure in North Antrim and Ballycastle.
“I believe that as a fitting tribute this council should hold a civic based event and the local museum could also include a permanent exhibition of memorabilia.
“We should be celebrating Moyle’s links with Roger Casement.”
Independent Councillor Seamus Blaney said there was already a Roger Casement Commemorative Committee.
“It would be very improper to go over their heads. I don’t see who this council is going to invite to the civic reception.
“The committee holds a wreath laying ceremony each year and you can count on you’re fingers the number of people that attend it,” he said.
SDLP Councillor Catherine McCambridge said it was important council celebrate all aspects of Roger Casement’s life.
She added: “He worked to prevent the exploitation of workers in the Congo and was a great humanist.
“It is very important that we set up a cross party sub group to look at how we can celebrate all aspects of his life.
“We must also consult the Casement family who live locally.”
Chairman Oliver McMullan said there was a great interest in Casement memorabilia.
“The interest is out there and Casement memorabilia does have a great tourist attraction.
“I agree that we should keep the family notified at all times. I have a large collection of Casement papers and books that have never been put on exhibition.”
Councillor McShane proposed that council host a commemorative event which was seconded by Marie McKeegan.
Whilst Councillor Blaney proposed council seek the views of the Casement Committee and Casement family before proceeding which was seconded by Councillor Catherine McCambridge.
Councillor Blaney said: “The committee was set up in the early 1950’s and they have been running things quite well.”
Councillor Blaney’s proposal was agreed after ten Councillors voted in favour and three voted against.

22 June 2006

Daily Ireland

Facts were hidden until 1997

Ciarán Barnes
23/06/2006

Residents of the Glens of Antrim will pause today to remember the sectarian murders of three local men by unionist police 84 years ago.
On 23 June 1922, in one of the first recorded cases of collusion in the North, a British army and Special Police battalion shot three young nationalists dead in the seaside village of Cushendall.
They arrested the men at different locations, putting them into the back of a military van before dragging them up an alley where they were shot in the heads.
The killings of John Hill, John Gore, and James McAllister were revenge for the IRA murder the previous day of Field Marshal Henry Wilson - the man who led the early 1920s pogroms against Catholics living in the North.
Field Marshal Wilson was shot dead in London by two republicans, Reggie Dunne and Joseph O’Sullivan, who had served in the British Army during World War I. Both men were later hanged.
A British government inquiry into the Cushendall killings dismissed claims from soldiers and police that they were fired upon first.
English official FT Barrington-Ward, who headed the investigation, concluded: “No one except the police and military ever fired at all.”
Doctors’ reports also revealed powder burns on the dead bodies, indicating the victims had been shot from point-blank range.
However, the then Northern unionist government, led by James Craig, rejected the findings and held its own inquiry into the shootings.
They dismissed all the evidence given by witnesses implicating the British army and police, and accepted the soldiers’ claims that they were fired upon first.
The full story surrounding the murders did not come to light until the mid 1990s when it was established that John Hill, John Gore and James McAllister were innocent men, murdered because they were Catholics.
After the killings the Liberal British government at the behest of Liverpool MP, TP O’Connor, threatened to make public the findings of Barrington-Ward’s inquiry blaming police and the British army.
However, the Liberals were replaced at the next election by the Conservative Party which was more sympathetic to the Ulster Unionist administration.
One of the first acts carried out by the new Conservative government was to place the details of Barrington-Ward’s inquiry under the Official Secrets Act, barring it from view for 50 years.
Historian Michael Farrell best explains the Cushendall cover-up in his book Arming the Protestants.
He writes: “O’Connor was told that the British government had commissioned the report only because British troops had been involved.
“The Northern government showed no concern to discipline its forces and stamp out reprisals and seemed oblivious to the effect this must have on the Catholic population.
“The British coalition government made only a very feeble effort to get Craig’s government to take action. Their Conservative successors did nothing at all.”
Barrington-Ward’s report was again due to be made public in 1972 but because of the Troubles publication was delayed for a further 25 years.
It was not until 1997 that the people of Cushendall became fully aware of the horror that occurred in the village on 23 June 1922.
Barrington-Ward’s report also revealed two Cushendall men who the Special Police falsely accused of opening fire on the military and causing the murders fled to America fearing for their lives.
A number of other nationalists in the village, including the grandfather of local Sinn Féin councillor Oliver McMullan, were also threatened with death.
Mr McMullan was the first person to reveal the full details of the Cushendall massacre following extensive research in the public records office.
He believes the killings are one of the first examples of collusion in the North.
“The decision to cover up what happened and what was in Barrington-Ward’s report was discussed at a full meeting of the British cabinet,” explained Mr McMullan.
“It was a horrible episode, one the British could not even bring themselves to make public until 75 years later.”
Mr McMullan said the Glens community continues to be pained by the murders and subsequent cover-up.
“These killings are very much a part of our history,” he added.
“When we had a collection a number of years back to pay for a plaque in honour of those who were murdered we received donations from America and Australia.
“People from this part of Ireland have long memories, we haven’t forgot this terrible atrocity even though it occurred almost 100 years ago.”

Daily Ireland

Via Newshound

Victims campaigners hit out at PSNI after 12- year UVF killing spree results in no one being convicted of murder in the North of Ireland

By Ciarán Barnes
23/06/2006

Victims campaigners have called for an inquiry into the PSNI’s inability to secure murder convictions against UVF members responsible for a catalogue of murders since the 1994 ceasefires.
During the last 12 years the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) has killed 29 people.
However, no one has been convicted of the murders despite detectives questioning more than 100 suspects.
The closest the PSNI/RUC came to a murder conviction was when they tape recorded Co Down loyalist Thomas Maginnis admit killing rival loyalists Billy Elliott, Brian O’Rawe and William Paul in the mid 1990s.
However, Mr Maginnis was later freed after a judge ruled he would probably not get a fair trial because of inappropriate tactics used by police in obtaining a confession.
Only two people have been convicted of offences connected to the 29 killings, but none with murder.
Victims of UVF violence are deeply unhappy at the PSNI’s failure to put those who pulled the trigger or wielded the knife behind bars.
Many are convinced this is because those responsible are informants who are being protected by their police handlers.
Police Ombudsman Nuala O’Loan has spent the last three years investigating these claims and is currently in the final stages of preparing a report.
Raymond McCord, whose son Raymond McCord Jnr was beaten to death by UVF police informants in 1997, insists the organisation is “state run”.
He said: “If this was England or the south of Ireland there would be calls for the chief constable and Home Secretary’s heads. There should be a public inquiry into why no one has been convicted.
“I don’t believe there was a willingness on the part of senior policemen to catch these UVF killers. Certain officers tried, but they were prevented from doing their jobs because the Special Branch wanted to protect its UVF informants.”
Mr McCord’s claims have been echoed by retired CID detectives Jonty Brown and Trevor McIlwrath whose attempts to arrest UVF murder suspects, who also served as informers, were blocked by Special Branch.
Mr Brown said: “Could we have put the majority of them in jail in 1997, 1998, 1999? Absolutely. Lives would have been saved time and time again. There appeared to be no will to prosecute certain individuals.”
Using the Freedom of Information Act, Daily Ireland attempted to obtain an exact figure from the PSNI regarding how many people detectives had questioned about post-ceasefire UVF killings.
The PSNI refused to co-operate with our request. A spokesman said providing such details would not be in the “public interest” and would cost too much. Daily Ireland has referred the matter to the Information Commissioner. Raymond McCord views the PSNI’s silence on the matter as an admission of guilt.
“Their silence says everything. They don’t want these figures made public because it makes them look bad, it casts a light on what they were doing” said Mr McCord.
“It shows that the UVF was being protected, all you have to do is take a look at the facts - 29 killings, more than a hundred questioned, but no one convicted of murder. It tells its own story.”

BBC

A contentious Orange Order parade in the Whiterock area of west Belfast has passed off peacefully.

Police open security gates on the Springfield Road

One lodge was allowed onto the mainly nationalist Springfield Road via Workman Avenue, with the main parade going through a former factory site.

Nationalist protesters lined part of the Springfield Road as the parade passed on Saturday.

Senior police officers joined community leaders in praising both sides for ensuring a “successful” outcome.

Chief Superintendents Gary White and David Boultwood also urged communities to continue to work together to ensure the rest of the marching season was peaceful.

“We acknowledge and commend the work carried out on all sides to ensure that the parade passed off without incident,” they said in a joint statement.

“Today’s success came about as a result of long and detailed planning by police in north and west Belfast in conjunction with the local communities.”

Nationalists protested against the parade

Sean Murray, chairman of the Springfield Road Residents Action Group, spoke of relief that the march had passed peacefully but said residents were frustrated by the approach of the Parades Commission.

“There is still deep anger that the Parades Commission first of all allowed a provocative parade to take place on the nationalist Springfield Road and also at their failure to facilitate a nationalist protest along the length of the road,” he said.

Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams praised the Springfield Road community for its ‘”dignified and disciplined response” to the march.

“The calm, thoughtful and courageous stand was in stark contrast to the disgraceful determination of the Parades Commission which was essentially a surrender to loyalist threats,” he said.

Councillor Tim Attwood of the SDLP said it had been a “bad decision” by the Parades Commission.

He added: “The good behaviour of the marchers and supporters this year does not take away from the fact that the Parades Commission effectively rewarded them for their atrocious behaviour last year.”

Ulster Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey said he hoped the lesson from the Whiterock parade could be learned by others.

“Congratulations are due to a number of people whose work has contributed to a peaceful Whiterock Parade which, following on from last week’s Ardoyne arrangements, could result in a peaceful summer for 2006,” he said.

‘Dignified parade’

Orange Order spokesman Drew Nelson of the DUP said the parade was a “victory for democracy and a small step on the long road towards full and proper recognition of Protestant cultural rights”.

“This was the Orange Order at its best and most dignified,” Mr Nelson said.

“It was a hard decision for Number Nine District to limit the numbers walking through the Workman Avenue gates on to the Springfield Road, but nevertheless they were prepared to make sacrifices.”

Earlier, Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain paid tribute to the work of the Parades Commission in seeking to promote local agreements on marches.

He said last year’s Whiterock parade violence had “damaged” Northern Ireland’s reputation.

Last year, police officers were attacked with petrol bombs and blast bombs, as well as live rounds during the trouble.

The cost of policing that Whiterock parade and subsequent rioting in a number of loyalist areas was estimated at £3m by the PSNI.

The government-appointed Parades Commission was set up in 1997 to make decisions on whether controversial parades should be restricted.

BN.ie

24/06/2006 - 15:51:10

An Orange parade is making its way through the main west Belfast peaceline despite protests by local nationalists.

The Parades Commission restricted the number of marchers to 50 and says it hopes dialogue between the two sides will lead to agreement in the future.

Police in full riot gear have lined the route of the parade and water-cannons are on standby.

The Orange Order says this is a traditional route and the road belongs to no single community but local Sinn Fein assembly member, Michael Ferguson, says the march is deliberately provocative.

“This road is only open twice a year to allow the Orange and Loyalist marches into the Nationalist communities,” Mr Ferguson said.

“When 200 yards up the road there is another road that will lead them to their proper destination.”

Mr Ferguson added: “The PSNI will move in in force with their riot gear. They will close down the entire nationalist community to provide a laneway for the Orange Order to do what they want to do in our community.”

BBC

Saturday, 24 June 2006, 14:22 GMT 15:22 UK

A contentious Orange Order parade is under way in west Belfast.

Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain was among those who appealed for calm ahead of the Whiterock parade, which last year was followed by rioting.

One lodge is allowed onto the mainly nationalist Springfield Road via Workman Avenue, with the main parade going through a former factory site.

Mr Hain paid tribute to the work of the Parades Commission in seeking to promote local agreements on marches.

He said last year’s Whiterock parade violence had “damaged” Northern Ireland’s reputation.

“It’s important that we do not see a repeat of the awful scenes last year which did so much damage, both to the local area and also to Northern Ireland’s image,” he said.

‘New era’

“It’s important that we have a new era in parades in which people can exercise their traditional and cultural rights, but do so in a way that does not seek to intimidate or infringe on the rights and interests of the other communities.”

On Friday, Clonard residents were refused leave at the High Court to apply for a judicial review of the Parades Commission’s ruling the Whiterock parade.

The Order has promised to abide by the commission’s restrictions.

On Thursday, members of the Orange Order’s number nine district “overwhelmingly but reluctantly” backed a reduction in the number of marchers.

The cost of policing the Whiterock parade last year and subsequent rioting in a number of loyalist areas was estimated at £3m by the PSNI.

Police officers were attacked with petrol bombs and blast bombs, as well as live rounds during the trouble.

Last year, the Orange Order delayed the parade until September in protest after the commission re-routed the entire parade through the former Mackies factory site instead of allowing it through Workman Avenue.

The government-appointed Parades Commission was set up in 1997 to make decisions on whether controversial parades should be restricted.

Belfast Telegraph

By Gary Fennelly
23 June 2006

Over one million Cadbury chocolate bars are being recalled over fears they may be contaminated with salmonella.

The company said it is withdrawing seven of its products in the UK after consultation with the Food Standards Agency.

A Cadbury spokesman said: “This is being done purely as a precautionary measure, some of these products may contain minute traces of salmonella.

“Cadbury has identified the source of the problem and rectified it, and is taking steps to ensure these particular products are no longer available for sale.”

He added: “Cadbury expects to have fresh stocks of these products back on the market in the near future.”

The contamination was caused by a faulty pipe at Cadbury’s Marlbrook plant in Herefordshire. The factory at Marlbrook generates almost 100,000 tonnes of milk chocolate crumb every year.
In the Republic of Ireland, 20,000 bars are being recalled, affecting two of the company’s products - the 250g Dairy Milk Caramel and 250g Dairy Milk Turkish. In UK, five additional products are affected. The 250g Dairy Milk Mint bar, the Dairy Milk 8 chunk, the 1kg Dairy Milk bar, the 105g Dairy Milk in Buttons Easter Egg and the 10p Freddo bar.

Products affected (UK)

• Dairy Milk Turkish 250g
• Dairy Milk Mint bars
• Dairy Milk Buttons Easter Egg 105g
• Dairy Milk Caramel 250g
• Dairy Milk 1kg bar
• Dairy Milk 8 chunk
• Freddo bar 10p

Products affected (ROI)

• 250g Dairy Milk Caramel
• 250g Dairy Milk Turkish

The free hotline is 0800 818181. Uneaten products can be returned for a refund to Cadbury Recall, Freepost MID20061, Birmingham B3O 2QZ.

32CSM Message Board

**See also PRISON PROTEST BEGINS

Posted on 23/6/2006 at 15:24:40 by IRPWA

Press Release:
Irish Republican Prisoners Welfare Association.
23/06/2006
Contact: Martin Mulholland/Marian Price
Phone 07801729412 or e-mail irpwa@hotmail.com

IRPWA Stands Shoulder to Shoulder with Protesting Prisoners.

The IRPWA wish to pledge our support to those Republican Prisoners currently on protest in Maghaberry Gaol. We will stand shoulder to shoulder with the prisoners, their families and all other groups working towards a speedy resolution of the prisons issue. Following protests by the Republican prisoners in the summer of 2003, segregation from Loyalists and Criminal was secured and in negotiations with the Steele commission, NIO and NIPS it was understood that the Republican POW’s would soon avail of modern facilities and a humane and liberal prison regime would be put in place, to date this has not happened. In fact the conditions under which Republican prisoners are being held have steadily declined since they were moved into their accommodation in Roe house. The ‘teething problems’ that senior NIPS officials promised us would be temporary have now become standard practice. The IRPWA are convinced that the regime in place in Maghaberry is a sop to the Prison Officers Association who were hostile to segregation from the beginning and is also a form of punishment for republicans opting to leave the general prison population.
There is no doubt that if the NIO, prison authorities, the constitutional parties and the media are able to keep the prisons issue from the public then all protests will be in vain. As in 2003 we must ensure that protest on the outside highlights and compliments that on the inside. It has become clear that in 2003 the prisoners and their representatives were hoodwinked into accepting segregation at the expense of political status, this is understandable given that republicans were heavily outnumbered in a hostile prison population. We must learn the lessons from 2003, one of which is that verbal assurances and ambiguous recommendations are unacceptable. We urge all republicans to stand with the protesting prisoners and not to let their plight slip back into obscurity.
Political Status Now.

BBC

A County Armagh man has appeared in court accused of being second-in-command of the Real IRA.

Paul McCaugherty, 39, from Beech Court, Lurgan, was arrested in connection with what police believe was an international gun-smuggling operation.

He is also charged with conspiring to murder members of the security forces in Northern Ireland between 24 May 2005 and 19 June 2006.

He made no reply to a total of six charges and was remanded in custody.

Mr McCaugherty appeared at a special sitting of Craigavon Magistrates Court on Saturday.

He was accused of being second-in-command of the dissident republican Real IRA between 1 December 2005 and 19 June 2006.

Mr McCaugherty faced another charge of conspiracy to possess firearms between those dates with intent to endanger life or cause serious damage to property.

These were identified as AK47 assault rifles, sniper rifles, heavy machine guns, pistols, pistol silencers and assorted ammunition.

He was also charged with conspiracy to possess explosives with intent to endanger life or damage property between 24 May 2005 and 19 June 2006.

Commercial property

The explosives were SAM7 surface-to-air missiles, 100kg of plastic explosives namely semtex and C4, vehicle booby trap devices, disposable rocket propelled grenades, grenade launches, detonators, detonator cords and anti-tank armour piercing weapons.

He was accused of receiving 46,000 euro and the deeds of a commercial property in Portugal between 24 May 2005 and 13 June 2006, intending that it should be used or having reasonable cause to suspect that the money and property would be used for the purposes of terrorism.

The final charge he faced was arranging for the money and property to be made available between 24 May 2005 and 13 June 2006 to another person who knew or had reasonable cause to suspect that such assets would be used or could be used for the purposes of terrorism.

A detective chief inspector told the court he believed he could link the accused to the charges.

The accused was remanded in custody to appear by video link at Craigavon Magistrates Court on 20 July.

He is the fourth person to be charged in connection with a major security operation in Counties Armagh and Fermanagh on Monday.

Another man arrested on Friday was released without charge.

Has anyone else tried to post an article or comment on an article at Indymedia.ie lately only to find that the editorial staff deletes it almost immediately?

If so, I would like to hear from you here as a comment or via email.

Thanks,
micheailin

_______________

Derry Journal

23 June 2006

A BRAVE Derry woman last night told the ‘Journal’ about the moment she received the devastating news that her name has been taken off the UK transplant list.

Michaela McKinney from Creggan, who suffers from a congenital heart condition, desperately needs a new heart and lungs.
However after her kidneys failed eleven weeks ago Michaela was given the double blow of bad news that she has only weeks to live and that her name had been taken off the transplant list.
“I feel like my future has been stolen from me,” Michaela told the ‘Journal.’ fighting back tears.
“I just can’t understand why my name has been taken off the transplant list.
“Without a new heart and lungs I’m going to die, it’s as simple as that.”I can’t accept that.
“My life is as important as the person lying in the bed next to me. It should come down to the individual - not just how sick they are.
“All I want is a chance, a chance to live.”
Last year Michaela spoke to the ‘Journal’ about her condition for the first time as a part of a campaign to encourage more people to sign the Organ Donation register.
For months the 34 year-old battled ill health to get herself fit enough to be put on the UK transplant list. In February her dream came true when her condition was deemed stable enough to sustain a transplant operation.
However her kidney failure has changed the situation.
“Basically the transplant people won’t give me a new heart because they don’t think I’ll come through the operation,” Michaela said.
“There is such a shortage of organs that they won’t take the risk.
“As far as they’re concerned I’m a bad risk and I might not pull through.
“Everyone sees the good stories about transplants but I’m a living example of a bad one.
“The rule is that you have to be sick enough to need a new heart, but healthy enough to be sure you will come through the operation.”
Michaela says that being taken off the transplant list has stolen any hope she had for a normal life.
“People keep telling me to be positive but it’s hard,” she said.
“Without the transplant I have no hope. No hope of fulfilling my dream to travel to New York or finally take up my place at University.”
Although Michaela’s kidneys have failed, doctors have said that a kidney transplant from a family member won’t work.
“My kidneys are fine,” Michaela said.
“It’s my heart that’s weak. It’s not beating fast enough to keep my kidneys going.”
Currently Michaela needs dialysis three times a week, but because of bed shortages at Altnagelvin’s renal unit she is travelling to Omagh for the treatment.
“I knew things were bad when my kidneys failed,” said Michaela.
“I had come to the end of the road. I was so depressed that I reached a point where I wanted to die.
“They said I had three weeks to live and I’m still here eleven weeks later.
“All I can do now is take one day at a time. It’s hard for me to think positively but I’m trying.
“I keep setting myself targets like staying alive to see my nephew making his First Communion.
“My Mum Mary keeps telling me that there’s no way I’m going before her.”

BBC

A limited Orange Order parade is to go ahead as planned through a mainly nationalist area of west Belfast.

Clonard residents were refused leave at the High Court to apply for a judicial review of the Parades Commission’s ruling on Saturday’s Whiterock parade.

The commission has said one lodge would be allowed onto the mainly nationalist Springfield Road with the main parade re-routed via a former factory site.

Residents’ spokesman Sean Murray said it had “given in to loyalist violence”.

Mr Murray, chairman of the Springfield Road Residents Action Group, said he was disappointed by the ruling.

“We are opposed to the determination particularly when it is set against the backdrop of the violence of last year,” he said.

The Order has promised to abide by the commission’s restrictions.

On Thursday, organisers of the parade from the Orange Order’s number nine district recommended a reduction in the number of Orangemen who would take part in the march.

This recommendation was later “overwhelmingly but reluctantly” backed by at a full district meeting.

Belfast DUP councillor William Humphrey said he hoped the parade would pass off peacefully.

“The district master and his colleagues have put in a plan to ensure that the parade we will have on Saturday will be a peaceful parade, will be a dignified parade,” he said.

“And it will be a parade that will ensure that the passage of the brethren along the Springfield Road returning to west Belfast Orange hall where they started out, that will bring honour to the tradition we are all proud to be a member of.”

Review

Earlier this week, the Parades Commission turned down a request from Sinn Fein to review its ruling on the march, which last year saw serious rioting.

The commission said there was no new evidence to look at.

The cost of policing the Whiterock parade last year and subsequent rioting in a number of loyalist areas was estimated at £3m by the PSNI.

Police officers were attacked with petrol bombs and blast bombs, as well as live rounds during the trouble.

Last year the Orange Order delayed the parade until September in protest after the commission re-routed the entire parade through the former Mackies factory site instead of allowing it through Workman Avenue.

The government-appointed Parades Commission was set up in 1997 to make decisions on whether controversial parades should be restricted.

BBC

Sir Reg said the move would cost Sinn Fein a ministerial seat

Sir Reg Empey has reported to the Ulster Unionist Party’s executive for the first time since his controversial alliance with PUP leader David Ervine.

The meeting marked Sir Reg’s first year as party leader.

A source told the BBC there was some dissent over the PUP assembly link, but Sir Reg had been broadly supported.

UUP chairman David Campbell reiterated the party’s determination to seek devolution on acceptable terms to avoid the “damaging policies” of direct rule.

Members also discussed party finances, after the Electoral Commission queried its accounting.

Sir Reg left the meeting without making any comment.

Ministerial seat

Controversy over the PUP link erupted on 15 May when NI’s politicians took their seats in the assembly for the first time since October 2002.

At that time, Sir Reg said the move would cost Sinn Fein a ministerial seat.

The DUP said by linking with the PUP, the UUP were “allying” themselves with terrorism.

Sylvia Hermon, the party’s only MP, had called for the link to be severed because of ongoing activity by the UVF, to which the PUP is connected.

Lady Hermon warned the party had become “a hostage to fortune”.

Earlier this month, the Electoral Commission said it had asked the police to examine the discovery of two undisclosed bank accounts linked to the Ulster Unionist Party.

The government watchdog has been talking to the party about funds which should have been disclosed to it amounting to about £50,000.

BBC

Several bishops and leading clergy attended the funeral

The funeral has taken place in County Tyrone of Monsignor Denis Faul who died on Wednesday aged 75.

Mourners from a wide spectrum of society were among those who attended the service.

Hundreds of people were at St Colmcille’s Catholic Church in Carrickmore to pay their respects.

A teacher for more than 40 years, many of which were spent at St Patrick’s Academy in Dungannon, Monsignor Faul was renowned for his outspoken views.

He was Catholic chaplain at the Maze prison during the H-Block hunger strikes in 1980 and 1981.

Auxiliary Archbishop of Armagh, Dr Gerard Clifford, said: “A hunger for justice, for peace and reconciliation was the driving force behind his life.

“Over 30 years, he was indeed a prophetic voice in the Catholic community in Northern Ireland.

“He was the voice for the voiceless, the friend of the repressed.”

Mourners heard that as he lay dying, Monsignor Faul made his last appeal to help the families of the Disappeared.

Dr Clifford added: “In particular, he campaigned on behalf of the Disappeared - those who had been abducted and whose bodies had never been found.

“His plea, even on his deathbed, was addressed to those who had any knowledge, or hint, of where those bodies had been placed.

“His message was clear - anyone who has knowledge of the unburied bodies bears responsibility for that.”

Monsignor Faul’s efforts in organising meetings of the hunger strikers’ families was viewed as instrumental in bringing the protest to an end.

Back in 1969, his criticism of the judiciary in 1969 brought him a rebuke from the then-Catholic Primate of Ireland, Cardinal Conway.

>>Tributes to Monsignor Faul

He was strongly critical of the Army and the RUC, while also condemning the Provisional IRA.

In March 1977, he described the IRA campaign as spurious and directly contrary to Catholic teaching.

Monsignor Faul was buried in the cemetery next to the church.