SAOIRSE32

1/7/2006

TAKE FIVE: Hunger for truth…

Daily Ireland

By Laurence McKeown
30/06/2006

Some weeks ago RTÉ screened a two-part documentary on the 1981 hunger strike. It was an opportunity for them to redress their lack of coverage of the subject at the time but unfortunately, years of revisionism and the banning of a republican viewpoint from the airwaves had left their mark. A pre-broadcast review by the Irish Times that the documentary was sympathetic to the republican prisoners’ version of events prompted RTÉ to demand a re-edit. Sadly, the producers complied and what was finally broadcast was a totally incoherent and badly made programme.

Margo Harkin’s production for the BBC on Wednesday night was of a totally different standard. With only half the time RTÉ had allocated she produced an extremely high quality programme, giving room for everyone to give their version of events but never once moving away from the actual story itself or dwelling on any one part of it. A Radio Foyle presenter described the programme as having a ‘warm feel’ to it and that it was evidently made by a woman. Margo queried what exactly that meant but having watched the programme myself I would agree with the comment. Maybe the ‘warmth’ comes not so much from being a woman, there are sensitive male directors too, but having an intimate knowledge of the period and of the communities most impacted. Or maybe it’s just a case of allowing people to speak in an authentic voice rather than shape the story others might prefer to hear.

A small simple comment is often more telling than a detailed explanation. Lord Gowrie, NIO prisons minister 1981-84, when talking about visits he made to Cardinal Ó Fiaich, remarked that it was a great relief, “because it was the only nice food in the province at the time”. Thank you for that your lordship. There’s us going on about an elected MP, an elected TD and eight of their comrades dying in prison from starvation because they were not recognised as political and allowed to wear their own clothes and all the time you and your colleagues had to put up with spuds, cabbage and butter milk. Shows how thoughtless and insensitive we Irish can be.

Puts into perspective how cheap the lives of Irish people are to the English ruling class. Unionists, take note.

Gardaí find ammunition in north Monaghan

RTÉ

01 July 2006 15:36

Gardaí in north Co Monaghan have made a small find of ammunition and other items in what appears to have been an underground bunker close to the Fermanagh border.

500 rounds of ammunition were discovered in what they say was a planned search in a forest at Derrynahesco, a few miles from Scotstown, yesterday.

They were taken away for a technical examination.

No weapons were found.

SAOIRSE32 MAKES TIME MAGAZINE–almost!

Many of us who blog do it just to hopefully have someone–anyone–listen to us when we write or share something important to us. Sometimes it works, and sometimes you are left wondering if anyone even reads your stuff or hears your ‘voice’.

Just recently I received an email from a woman named Victoria with a blog service called sphere.com which is featured on the web page of Time Magazine. She wrote to tell me that if I would go to Time’s article called At Guantanamo, Dying Is Not Permitted, and click on the orange ‘Sphere it!’ button, that I would see my blog featured as having carried related articles to the TIME article. I thought this must be a scam or come-on, but I went to TIME and sure enough after I clicked the Sphere it! button, I saw that indeed SAOIRSE32 was there several times, by itself and also as it appeared on Northern Irish Blogs.com.

The main reason for this, is of course, that I post many articles on the 1981 Hunger Strike, and the hungerstriking prisoners at Gitmo are being brutally force fed.

When the Guantanamo ‘detainees’ become so despairing that they commit suicide, the criminals otherwise known as the American government, term their suicides a PR ploy. Yeah, Bush, you should go and do likewise.

Thank you, Victoria, for writing to inform me of this, and I would also urge all of you to go read the Guantanamo article. It’s a good one if you like to read about American bastards torturing fully restrained prisoners put away in the hellhole of Gitmo for years without trial or legal protection.

Veronica’s murder investigation a fiasco AND Her known killer never charged

Village Magazine

By Vincent Browne and Frank Connolly
Thursday, June 22, 2006

Veronica’s murder investigation a fiasco

Only one person is now in jail because of Veronica Guerin’s murder and he has a good chance of being released on appeal. By Vincent Browne

Image Hosted by ImageShack.usVeronica Guerin’s murder 10 years ago caused national trauma. There was a public perception the country was in the control of crime bosses. Emergency legislation was rushed through the Oireachtas to cope with the threat of organised crime. John Bruton, the then Taoiseach, claimed her murder represented an attack on democracy. He said in the Dáil on the morning after her murder: “The full resources of the State are being applied to finding and bringing to justice those who committed this murder and those who inspired and directed it.”

Nineteen newspaper editors said in a statement: “Veronica Guerin was murdered for being a journalist… We view this assassination as a fundamental attack on the free press, which is essential to the democratic process.”

The most comprehensive murder investigation in the history of the State was launched.

But 10 years afterwards, only one person, Brian Meehan, is in jail because of her murder and he has a good chance of being released on appeal. Organised crime is more of a threat than it was 10 years ago. The availability of illicit drugs is more prevalent than it was 10 years ago and hardly anyone now believes that her murder had anything to do with her journalism.

The Special Criminal Court, in one of the murder cases arising from her killing, found that the motivation for her murder had nothing to do with anything she wrote. It held:

“As for motivation for the crimes: an incident had occurred between Ms Guerin and [John Gilligan] it seems in or about January 1996, in which she had had an encounter with him and he had struck her. She reported the matter to the police and [Gilligan] was charged with assault. This enraged him because on imprisonment, on foot of a likely jail sentence, grave harm would be done to his cannabis empire because he would be prevented from purchasing supplies and arranging for the importation of the product into Ireland… The end result was that a plot was hatched to murder Ms Guerin and thus the prosecution which she had initiated against [Gilligan] would have to be dropped, as it was dependent on her evidence.”

But the finding of the court, along with the Garda assertion that John Gilligan was responsible for her murder, is now in doubt. Certainly the motivation ascribed for her murder now seems implausible for reasons that will be outlined in Village next week.

As described by Frank Connolly on the next page, three months after Veronica Guerin’s murder, in October 1996, gardaí arrested and interrogated one of the suspects, Charles Bowden. And although he admitted to having supplied the murder weapon, knowing it would be used in the murder, he was never charged with murder (supplying the weapon knowing it would be used in a murder makes the supplier guilty of murder). This had never happened before in Ireland. Bowden was granted immunity from a murder charge in return for agreeing to give evidence against others suspected of involvement in the murder, notably, John Gilligan.

One of those charged with the murder of Veronica Guerin was Paul Ward. He was convicted of the murder in the Special Criminal Court but that conviction was overturned by the Court of Criminal Appeal. It emerged in court that during Paul Ward’s detention at the headquarters of the Garda investigation into the murder, Lucan Garda station, a series of extraordinary events took place.

Ward was arrested on a Monday and brought to Lucan. He was interrogated there throughout Monday and into Tuesday. On Tuesday evening he was visited in the station by his mother and girlfriend. Following the visits, according to interrogating gardaí, he made incriminating statements acknowledging his part in the murder. Although this would have represented a major breakthrough in the murder investigation, the interrogating gardaí told no one at the station about the breakthrough.

On the following morning, two separate teams of gardaí interrogated Paul Ward again, not knowing of the “breakthrough” of the previous night. Only at midday, when the interrogating gardaí of the previous evening arrived in the station, did it become known that “admissions” had been made.

The Special Criminal Court rejected Garda evidence that Paul Ward had made these admissions. Commenting on these curious events, the court said: “This indicates either incredible disorganisation in the murder investigation, despite the fact there was a continuously manned incident room at Lucan Garda station, or there was no memorandum of the interview [during which the “admissions” were made] at the time and it came into existence later.”

A Garda investigation subsequently found there was nothing remiss in what had occurred. It was inferred the blame lay with prosecution lawyers who failed to call witnesses who could have explained what had occurred – an entirely implausible explanation.

In a related case involving Patrick Holland, who was cited by gardaí to have been the person who shot Veronica Guerin at close range, Holland made himself available to gardaí for interrogation by coming back from the UK of his own volition. But precisely at the time he was taken into Garda custody, his solicitor, Jim Orange, was also arrested – supposedly as part of an inquiry into Holland’s property possessions – depriving Holland of his preferred legal advice while he was being detained by gardaí.

Another solicitor’s office, Michael E Hanahoe, was also raided at the time, allegedly as part of an investigation into John Gilligan’s possessions. The media were tipped off in advance of gardaí receiving a search warrant from the District Court.

The main trial arising from the murder of Veronica Guerin, that of John Gilligan, failed to secure his conviction on the murder charge. This was because the Special Criminal Court found that the evidence of the chief prosecution witness, Charles Bowden, unreliable, especially given the inducements that had been made to him to become a State witness and the lies he was found to have told in the course of his evidence.

In short the only evidence of any consequence the gardaí found concerning the murder of Veronica Guerin came from two “supergrasses” (accomplices who were granted immunity from prosecution for murder and other inducements). Because of doubts concerning the reliability of such evidence, it is likely that Brian Meehan, the only person now in jail for Veronica Guerin’s murder, will be acquitted on appeal.

Gardaí had clear evidence against one person, Charles Bowden, who himself admitted to participation in the preparation of the murder. But they decided not to prosecute him. This fiasco has never been the subject of any overall inquiry, within An Garda Sochána or otherwise.

Veronica’s known killer never charged

Charles Bowden was involved in Veronica Guerin’s murder but was never charged. By Frank Connolly

One of the killers of Veronica Guerin was given immunity from a murder prosecution by the State, even though he had made admissions to the Garda which would have secured his conviction. The man admitted to supplying and priming the gun used in the killing, knowing it would be used for that purpose. He also admitted to seeing the murder weapon after the murder.

There is evidence that this person, Charles Bowden, actually perpetrated the killing – firing several shots into the head and body of Veronica Guerin as she sat in her car at traffic lights at Newlands Cross outside Dublin on 26 June 1996 just before 1pm.

Another major suspect in the crime, John Traynor, was never charged and now lives in Spain. In one of its judgments in cases concerning the murder, the Special Criminal Court identified John Traynor as a likely prime mover in the murder.

Charles Bowden did a deal with the Garda Síochána and the DPP that, in return for not being prosecuted for the murder of Veronica Guerin, he would give evidence against the person gardaí were convinced was the prime mover in the murder, John Gilligan. Bowden also gave evidence against others believed to have been involved in the murder – Paul Ward and Brian Meehan. Bowden also gave evidence against Patrick “Dutchy” Holland. He later boasted to gardaí that it was his evidence against Patrick Holland which secured Holland’s conviction on drugs charges and a 20-year sentence.

In no other case has the State done a deal not to prosecute a person for murder in return for evidence that might convict others for the same murder. Bowden and another accomplice witness, Russell Warren, were the first criminals to benefit from the Witness Protection Programme and were relocated with their families outside the country.

Garda dealings with Charles Bowden commenced in October 1996, three months after the murder of Veronica Guerin, and continued until May 1997.

Bowden was a member of the drugs gang led by John Gilligan. He regularly collected shipments of cannabis at the Ambassador hotel near Naas and brought them to warehouses he rented in Dublin between 1994 and 1996. He divided the shipments and distributed them to various dealers across the city and to a major dealer in the North. He collected guns with some of the shipments, including one in January 1996 which contained a machine gun and the .357 Magnum and ammunition used to kill Veronica Guerin.

In evidence he gave in the trials of various people prosecuted in connection with the murder of Veronica Guerin, Charles Bowden said he overheard other gang members, including Brian Meehan, Shay Ward and Peter Mitchell, discuss plans to shoot Veronica Guerin. He said that he polished, prepared and loaded the gun used to kill her. He said he saw the gun after the killing.

In the course of several of these cases, he gave evidence that was later acknowledged to have been perjured evidence. This included evidence to do with his whereabouts on the morning of the murder. In a statement to gardaí he said he was at the hairdressing salon of his partner, Juliet Bacon, in Moore St, that morning. But phone records showed he was at his home near Blackhorse Avenue and had ordered a taxi around 11.30am. He was also in Moore Street in the company of Brian Meehan in the afternoon following the murder, although he denied a claim by defence counsel for Paul Ward that he was there to dispose of the murder weapon. He later gave gardaí a cache of weapons he had hidden in the Jewish graveyard in west Dublin.

The Court of Criminal Appeal, in overturning the conviction of Paul Ward for the murder of Veronica Guerin, said of Charles Bowden: “The court accepts without any doubt that Charles Bowden is a self-serving, deeply avaricious and potentially vicious criminal. On his own admission he is a liar and the court readily accepts that he would lie without hesitation and regardless of the consequences for others if he perceived it to be in his own interest to do so. The court fully appreciates that assessment of his evidence must be made with great caution and with the foregoing firmly in mind.”

In the course of his dealings with gardaí as a “supergrass” he bartered with them on the amount of money he would receive from them. A senior official in the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, drafted a memo suggesting Bowden and fellow “supergrass” Russell Warren would be granted temporary release, depending on the evidence they gave in the Gilligan and other cases.

The evidence that he may have been the direct killer of Veronica Guerin is based on statements of witnesses to the murder who said a pillion passenger on a motorbike that drove up to Veronica Guerin’s car as it was stopped at Newlands Cross was six foot tall. Gardaí later briefed journalists that the killer was Patrick Holland, who is just five foot nine.

Bowden acknowledged having the gun that killed Veronica Guerin, admitted to preparing the gun for the killing, to seeing it after the murder and to being versed in the use of guns.

Bowden, from Finglas in Dublin, was born into a large family. He was a member of the defence forces, becoming a corporal. He has a black belt in Karate and is a top marksman. While a member of the Defence Forces, he assaulted a number of army recruits whom he then threatened and forced to give false evidence to a disciplinary inquiry. He was discharged from the army and worked as a bouncer at the Hogan Stand pub in Camden Street, Dublin. He separated from his wife and later lived with his partner, Juliet Bacon.

He became involved in the drugs trade in the early 1990s, along with another well-known drugs criminal, Peter Mitchell, a Gilligan gang-member. Bowden first sold ecstasy and then large amounts of cannabis for Brian Meehan, another one of the Gilligan gang and the only person convicted in connection with the murder of Veronica Guerin (that conviction is due to be appealed to the Court of Criminal Appeal). When he was arrested in October 1996 he was found in possession of large amounts of cash and had plans to travel to England. In February 1997, he jumped bail after another gang member, Paul Ward, was charged with murder. He was escorted back to Ireland after being arrested in England in March 1997.

On 7 October 1997, as part of his deal with the State, Bowden pleaded guilty in the Circuit Court to the possession of illegal drugs with intent to supply. He was given a six-year sentence.

His evidence was crucial in securing the conviction of Paul Ward and Brian Meehan for the murder of Veronica Guerin – Ward’s conviction was later overturned. Bowden’s evidence was also crucial to the conviction of Patrick Holland and John Gilligan on drugs charges – curiously the court, while accepting Bowden’s evidence on the drugs charges, disregarded his evidence on the murder charge which Gilligan also faced. Gilligan was acquitted on a murder charge and given 12- and 28-year consecutive sentences respectively for possession of and supplying drugs. This was later reduced to 20 years on appeal while a further charge of assaulting a prison officer was recently reduced from five to two years. Holland received a 20-year sentence, susequently reduced to 12 on appeal.

John Traynor, now living in Spain, also escaped charges related to the murder of Veronica Guerin although there was reason to suspect he had a motive for murdering the journalist.

VERONICA GUERIN: TIMELINE

Early 1994: John Dunne a freight manager of Seabridge in Cork, was asked to cooperate in the importation of unspecified material. In April 1994 the first consignment arrived, labeled “car parts”. On these requests he brought the consignment to the car park of the Ambassador hotel, outside Naas. This was the first of many such consignments deliveries, for each of which Dunne was paid £1,000.

Charles Bowden collected these consignments from October 1994 onwards and took them to various lock-up premises rented by him, at Emmet Road, Inchicore, Ballymount Industrial Estate, and latterly Unit 1 B at Greenmount Industrial Estate, Harold’s Cross.

Bowden opened the consignments which he said contained cannabis resin. An associate, Brian Meehan, allegedly instructed him to make deliveries to various individuals which he did. Later, Bowden, allegedly, was assisted by the Ward brothers, Paul and Shay.

Bowden, along with other members of the gang involved in this operation, made huge sums of money from the venture.

26 June 1996: Veronica Guerin was shot dead at the Boot Road junction on the Naas Road in Dublin.

30 September 1996: Russell Warren, an associate, was arrested and detained for 48 hours. He was re-arrested on 19 October and detained for a further 48-hour period.

6 October 1996: Charles Bowden was arrested and detained for 48 hours. During interrogation he made admissions of involvement in the drugs trade and of supplying the weapon used to murder Veronica Guerin. He was charged only with a minor drugs offence. He got bail. While on bail he had several meetings with gardaí, during one of which £10,000, which the gardaí had reason to suspect was derived from his criminal activities, was returned to him.

12 February 1997: Bowden skipped bail and went to England. There he was arrested and extradited back to Ireland. He was remanded to Mountjoy. At that stage he made several allegations to gardaí about the activities of associates, notably John Gilligan. He was then given immunity from a murder prosecution, as was his associate Russell Warren, on the understanding they would give evidence against John Gilligan and others.

‘Rise up and Reclaim the Republic’ says new group

Village Magazine

Via Newshound

By Scott Millar
Thursday, June 22, 2006

A number of leading Sinn Féin activists in Dublin have left the party to establish a “Socialist Republican campaign group” called Éirigí. The new group, launched last month with a “Reclaim the Republic” campaign, includes Stewart Reddin, former Dublin Sinn Féin organiser; Joanne McDonald, the sister of Mary Lou McDonald, the party’s Dublin MEP; and Brian Leeson, a former party organiser. Éirigí translates from Irish as “arise” or “rise up”.

Brian Leeson, a spokesman for Éirigí, said: “This group has emerged from Dublin-based political activists who felt that what was needed was a creditable campaigning group that was going to promote Socialist Republican politics in Dublin and challenge a lot of the inequalities we see around us. It is non-party political.”

The departure of the group is believed to have been provoked by tensions within Sinn Féin concerning a perceived move to the right in policy and the insistence of the party leadership that the option of entering a coalition government with Fianna Fáil be maintained. Éirigí’s “Reclaim the Republic campaign” has so far involved dictributing leaflets and 7,000 copies of the 1916 proclamation around Dublin. Members have also attended meetings of the Independent Workers Union. Sinn Féin is said to have so far maintained a positive relationship with the new group due to its commitment solely to campaigning politics.

More: www.eirigi.org

Lawyers want Omagh charges dropped

Newry Democrat

Via Newshound

Wednesday, June 28, 2006

LAWYERS acting for the Jonesboro man accused of 29 murders arising out of the 1998 Omagh bombing are demanding that all charges be dropped after concerns that the British army was allowed to view documents relating to his defence.

Sean Hoey, 36, of Molly Road has been held in Maghaberry prison since March 2004 and is currently awaiting trial in connection with the Real IRA attack.

However, the Prison Ombudsman, Brian Coulter, has now admitted that he cannot guarantee that the army or other unnamed persons did not have unauthorised access to documents which were taken from Hoey’s cell during a search in November last year.

It is understood that Mr Coulter launched an investigation into the incident and discovered that prison officers had taken the papers from the cells after coming across references to explosives in them.

The Ombudsman was assured that the papers were not photocopied or taken out of the prison.

However, in a report on the incident, Mr Coulter said: “My investigating officer requested to view all records relating to the chain of custody for the documents from when they were removed from Mr Hoey’s cell on November 1 until they were returned again to him.

“I am disappointed to learn that the only records available are those recorded by staff who searched Mr Hoey’s cell and removed the documents. The absence of these records makes it impossible to prove or disprove who actually had access to Mr Hoey’s legal documents.”

Peter Corrigan, Hoey’s solicitor, said he will now demand that the charges against his client are dropped.

“This is a total abuse of a person’s entitlement to prepare a proper defence,” Mr Corrigan insisted. “We have very real concerns as to who had access to this material.”

Three IRA members were ‘Special Branch agents’

Newry Democrat

Via Newshound

Wednesday, June 28, 2006

A FORMER army officer has claimed that three members of the IRA’s South Down unit which killed eight soldiers in bomb attacks during 1989-90 were Special Branch agents.

The unnamed officer has also alleged that security chiefs not only allowed the attacks to go ahead despite knowing about them in advance, but then continued to use the agents.

The incidents referred to include an explosion which killed three members of the Parachute Regiment in Mayobridge in November 1989 and the so-called human bomb attack in which a Royal Irish Rangers soldier died outside Newry the following October. Also mentioned was a landmine attack which killed four UDR men outside Downpatrick in April 1990.

According to the army officer, all or some of the agents were involved in each of the three blasts, although none of them knew that their colleagues were also working for Special Branch.

“RUC Special Branch was running these men hands on,” he told a Sunday newspaper. “They knew the IRA was planning these attacks – the agents were providing police with that information. Yet the attacks were allowed to proceed and several soldiers died needlessly.”

The former officer alleged that the Mayobridge device was built by a top IRA bomb maker who was later linked to the 1998 Omagh atrocity, while it was detonated by another leading Provisional. Neither of these men have been charged in relation to the attack.

It is claimed that the information about the agents was uncovered as the Police Ombudsman probed the IRA murder of Constable Colleen McMurray in Newry in March 1992.

“Relatives of the dead soldiers have a right to know why their loved ones were callously sacrificed,” the officer commented. “They should be asking the Police Ombudsman to investigate these deaths.”

School’s out for ever…

Belfast Telegraph

By Kathryn Torney
01 July 2006

An integrated school in Co Antrim has announced its closure - following a failed three year campaign to secure government funding.

Lir Integrated Primary in Ballycastle closed yesterday for the end of term and will not reopen again.

The school, which has been independently funded since it opened in September 2004, received a final blow when its third application for government funding was rejected by the Department of Education in March this year.

The Department continually rejected applications from Lir on the basis that there were surplus places in existing schools in the area.

Another local primary in the area also recently opted to transform into an integrated school.

Julie Kane, chair of the board of governors of Lir Integrated Primary School, said: “On behalf of the governors I would like to express my deep sadness at the closure of our school.

“Naturally we are all very disappointed that Lir is closing down given the long hard journey we have made to provide an integrated education provision for our children and the local community.

“I want to take this opportunity to publicly thank all those individuals and organisations who have helped to make our school a reality and supported us along the way.”

In January this year, Ballycastle Primary School undertook a parental ballot to transform to integrated status. Of those parents who voted, 85% voted yes to integration.

The school is still waiting for Conditional Status from the Department of Education, which they expect in the coming weeks.

David Heyworth, chair of the board of governors of the IEF, expressed his “sadness and disappointment” at the closure of the school.

“It has been particularly difficult to accept this school’s closure, given the tireless and selfless commitment by the parents to establish Lir,” he said.

Robinson scoffs at North deadline

BN.ie

01/07/2006 - 14:22:48

DUP deputy leader Peter Robinson today scoffed at the November 24 deadline set by Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair for a political deal in the North.

Mr Robinson said his party would not be held by what he called the “arbitrary deadline” and made clear he did not consider it a deadline at all.

“If we are almost there on 24 November, do you really think that the government’s going to throw everything into the dustbin for the want of a little more time that might be necessary? I am not going to get myself tied up on the time,” he said

He said if on November 24 republicans had not “done that which was necessary”, legislation said the Assembly was over and Secretary of State Peter Hain could cancel Assembly members’ salaries and allowances.

“That does not mean life ends at that stage, the right for the people of Northern Ireland to have true democracy still lives on. There is still life in the process of getting devolved government for Northern Ireland.

“We are not going to give up simply because some date the Secretary of State and the Prime Minister have put a ring around in the calendar has past by.

“It will be just as important to us on the 25th of November to reach all of these goals as it is on the 24th of November.

If the republicans can’t get there on the 24th of November we will still press them to get there later.”

Mr Ahern and Mr Blair were back in Belfast on Thursday to re-emphasise to the political power blocks their deadline for a deal.

But Mr Robinson, speaking on BBC Radio Ulster’s Inside Politics, said it was not time but the actions of Sinn Féin and the IRA which would determine when and whether there was a deal to restore devolution.

“What we are objecting to is that there should be any sharing or power or Cabinet positions for Sinn Féin until such time as the community is satisfied that they have left terrorism and criminality behind,” he said.

He said there was still work to be done by republicans and he was surprised at the government’s position that Sinn Féin was already fit for government.

Mr Robinson pointed to another report from the Independent Monitoring Commission which would cover the period in which senior Sinn Féin man Denis Donaldson was murdered in Co Donegal following his unmasking as a British agent.

That will be published in October and Mr Robinson said the DUP would study it in detail.

In pictures: Belfast Maritime Festival

BBC

Belfast’s seafaring links are being celebrated with the inaugural Maritime Festival which takes place over Saturday and Sunday - landlubbers also can enjoy activities such as a continental market and fireworks.

>>View photos

The Somme: The Irish in the battle

BBC

By Kevin Connolly
Ireland correspondent, BBC News

Irish soldiers played a major part on the Somme during World War I.


The 36th (Ulster) Division fought on the early days of the Somme

Their involvement had repercussions for Ireland long after the initial fighting of the battle.

The Irish troops were committed into the Battle of the Somme haphazardly alongside the English, Australian, Welsh, South African and Scots and other Imperial forces - not to mention the French, and French-African troops who fought alongside them.

Still, it is possible to follow the Irish thread through the confused tapestry of the fighting.

Forced retreat

The 36th (Ulster) Division was committed in the attack on the first day, tasked with taking a German fortification called the Schwaben Redoubt.

They were among the few units to reach their objective, but reinforcements despatched into the carnage of no man’s land never reached them, and eventually, isolated and surrounded they were forced to retreat.

Of the nine Victoria Crosses awarded on the day, three went to the Ulster Division - two of them posthumously.

The Division was relieved on 2 July having suffered more than 5,000 casualties - 2,069 of whom were killed.

‘Blood sacrifice’

Tattered and traumatised, the Ulster Division withdrew from the battlefield to re-group and march directly into the political mythology of Ulster Unionism.

Their “blood sacrifice” was seen as Ulster’s side of a deal in which Britain would somehow “see the loyal province right” in the agonising over Home Rule which was sure to resume when the fighting was done.

Their legend lives on. One of the Protestant paramilitary organisations in modern Northern Ireland uses the title Ulster Volunteer Force precisely because of the historical resonance they know that title has for northern Protestants.

Images of the old volunteers are still to be seen in the banners of Orange lodges and in the huge murals that adorn gable ends in working class areas of Belfast.

It is worth bearing in mind that the annual Orange march at Drumcree in County Armagh, whose route remains a subject of intense political controversy to this day, is a commemoration of the first day on the Somme.

Reckless courage

There were, of course, Catholic soldiers from the south of Ireland in the fighting on that first day - the Royal Dublin Fusiliers amongst them - but we pick up the story of the Irish at the Somme in September.

The front line - a huge metallic scar through pretty French meadowland - had barely moved since July, although the casualties on both sides had been beyond imagining.

More than one million men would be dead, injured or missing by the end of the fighting and many of the injured were permanently disabled.

On 3 September, another great British offensive went in. This time the soldiers included the mainly Irish Catholic 16th Division, brought down from Loos in Belgium.

Their objectives were the hamlets of Guillemont and Ginchy, which the original battle plans had assumed would be taken in the first few days of fighting.

The men of the 16th Division fought with the same reckless courage that had distinguished the 36th Division - their sacrifice separated only by a few months, a few miles, and hundreds of thousands of casualties.

Political initiative

Within 10 days the Division had lost half its 11,000 men killed or injured. Most died anonymously which was the way of it in a war which married the tactics of an old century with the technology of the new.

Not all though. A private soldier in the Connaught Rangers and a young officer in the Leinsters won Victoria Crosses.

The manservant of the poet and nationalist MP Tom Kettle, who died, wrote movingly to his wife: “He carried his pack for Ireland and Europe. Now his pack-carrying is over. He has held the line.”

The problem for those Irish nationalists like Kettle who served was once the war was over, it was difficult for them to define the cause for which they had fought.

Ulster Protestants returned home, vindicated and demanding. They knew what they had fought for, and they knew what they wanted in return.

If Kettle had lived he would have returned to an Ireland in which the political initiative had been seized by nationalist rebels who refused to fight for Britain, and indeed staged the Easter Rising just two months before the assault on the Somme began.

It was the handful of men who stayed at home to fight the crown, not the many thousands who went to Europe to fight for it, who took control of Ireland’s political destiny.

They took control of Irish history too, and it was the fate of men like Kettle to be airbrushed out of it.

Different causes

The Battle of the Somme ground on for another two months or so, and eventually petered out in the rains of November.

It was not obvious at the time, but the Somme would fix itself in the popular imagination as a kind of metaphor for the Great War.

The British and Allied armies suffered 420,000 casualties to move the front line just a few miles in four-and-a-half months.

And Ireland? Well, Irishmen North and South joined up in the hope of somehow advancing their different causes, unionist and nationalist, in fighting on the British side.

There is no space here to argue over how they succeeded and how they did not - but it is worth noting that for all that has happened since 1916 the echoes of the same issues which divided Ireland on the way in to the Great War continue to divide it now.

Scappaticci gag

cryptome.org

**See also >>SCAPPATICCI

Commission rules out Orange march

The Parades Commission has ruled that the annual Orange parade at Drumcree will not be allowed to pass down the mainly nationalist Garvaghy Road.

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The route was last used by Orangemen in 1997.

A spokesperson for the Garvaghy Road Residents’ Coalition said the march would have had a hugely detrimental effect on the life of the community.

SDLP assembly member Dolores Kelly welcomed the Parades Commission’s determination on the march.

‘Respect’

“It is the right decision and the only decision in the absent of prolonged or sustained dialogue with the nationalist community,” she said.

“Future determinations must respect the views of the wider nationalist community in this area.”


The parade to Drumcree last took place in 1997

The Drumcree parade has been one of the most contentious in Northern Ireland.

In the last two years, the parade has passed off peacefully, but, in the past, there has been serious violence.

Attempted murder charge dropped

BBC

A man accused of attempted murder during the incident in which Robert McCartney was stabbed to death has had the charge withdrawn.

James McCormick, 37, was arrested in Birmingham. He now faces a charge of causing an affray, which carries a possible life sentence.

He had been charged with trying to kill Mr McCartney’s friend, Brendan Devine, outside Maginnis’s Bar in January 2005.

Mr McCormick was remanded on continuing bail until 11 August.






















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