SAOIRSE32

By Bimpe Fatogun
Irish News
10/05/08

THE Robert McCartney murder trial is to begin on Monday. Three men face charges in connection with the death of the east Belfast man outside a bar in the centre of the city in January 2005.

STABBING VICTIM: Robert McCartney

Terence Malachy Davison (51) is charged with murder, James McCormick (39) with affray and Joseph Gerard Emmanuel Fitzpatrick (47) with affray and the assault of a second man.

Mr McCartney (33) was found stabbed to death in Cromac Street close to Magennis’s bar near the nationalist Markets area in the early hours of January 31 2005.

Following the killing and a lack of cooperation with police efforts to investigate it Mr McCartney’s partner and sisters launched a campaign to bring those responsible to justice.

Their efforts gained worldwide at-tention and international pressure mounted on the IRA, whose members were linked with the crime.

Sinn Fein also faced political pressure to help in the investigation.

Mr McCartney, from the nationalist enclave of Short Strand, had been preparing for his wedding to fiancee Bridgeen Hagens in June 2005.

His family, who had lived in Short Strand for five generations, have now all left the area.

His sister Paula has spoken of her need to leave Northern Ireland altogether “to heal”.

BBC
11 May 2008

The SDLP has challenged government plans to allow some inquests to be held in secret.

The move, which is part of the Counter-terrorism Bill, would allow ministers to replace coroners with their own appointees.

The SDLP leader, Mark Durkan, said he believed that if the legislation was pushed through, it would be extended to Northern Ireland.

He said it would have implications for outstanding cases in Northern Ireland.

“There is a completely new provision in this legislation,” Mr Durkan said.

“It’s not confined to terrorist cases, whereby the secretary of state will be able to appoint a special coronor to hold a secret inquest in relation to any death where they think that’s in the public interest.

“If they get it through in this bill, they will very quickly then extend it to Northern Ireland.

“That has huge implications for the outstanding cases in Northern Ireland in which there have never been inquest held.”

Irish Independent
By Charles Lysaght
Sunday May 11 2008

Dermot Meleady
Cork University Press, €49

John Redmond, the leader of nationalist Ireland from 1900 until 1918, was relentlessly denigrated by those in the republican tradition, who claimed that we owed our independence solely to those who took up arms between 1916 and 1921. They reviled him as an imperialist because he urged his followers to fight for Britain in the First World War and condemned the 1916 rebellion. They denied him credit for his achievement in converting British opinion to accept Irish self-government, which was an important building-block in the achievement of independence in 1921.

But Redmond was quietly revered for his high principles as well as his achievements among the older Catholic middle class and continued to be in pockets such as Waterford, where they returned members of the Redmond family to the Dail into the second half of the 20th century. He was an iconic figure for those who believed that we would have done better to proceed to independence less violently and who regretted the hatred, destruction, divisiveness and isolationist Anglophobia that was the legacy of the atrocities on every side between 1916 and 1923. In 1956, Eamon de Valera transcended these differences and downfaced his less magnanimous followers when he attended a ceremony in Wexford to pay tribute to Redmond on the centenary of his birth. When de Valera returned to power the next year, he had a stamp issued to honour Redmond.

Despite this lead, Redmond remained an anathema to those in the republican tradition. Even in the more inclusive climate of modern Ireland, where the State has honoured those who answered his call to fight in the Great War, it has been a step too far to honour Redmond himself. Last year Bertie Ahern, speaking in Westminster, where Redmond had been the most effective ambassador ever for nationalist Ireland, conspicuously omitted him from the Irish leaders whom he mentioned.

All this makes timely a new biography of Redmond, the first since Denis Gwynn’s magisterial work in 1932. This volume, written by schoolteacher Dermot Meleady, covers the period to 1900 when Redmond, aged 44, was elected chairman of the reunited Irish party. Helpfully, the author adds a concise preview of the remaining 18 years of Redmond’s life, which is to be covered in a second volume.

The Redmonds were Catholic merchants and minor landowners in Wexford. John Redmond was the child of a mixed religion, and not very happy, marriage — the author remarks perceptively that he may have learned his skills as a conciliator when reconciling his parents. After Clongowes, where he made his mark as a Shakespearian actor, he did less well at Trinity and left without a degree to go to London to assist his father, a Home Rule MP.

Redmond became MP for New Ross in 1881, aged 25. Although the Redmonds were landlords, he backed Parnell in committing the nationalist party to oppose landlordism and spent a term in prison for advising tenants to resist eviction.

In 1890, he supported Parnell when, having been guilty of adultery with Mrs O’Shea, his resignation was demanded by the liberal leader Gladstone and the Irish bishops.

Redmond was ever the conciliator, slow to be drawn into the type of foul-mouthed abuse that was then the common currency of Irish politics, and willing to make common cause for the benefit of the country with non-nationalists. It helped that his background freed him from the social resentment, as well as the crude racialism and sectarianism, that underlay much Irish nationalism.

He was also conciliatory towards nationalist extremists, who rallied to Parnell in the Split. Redmond was less absolute in his condemnation of violence than Daniel O’Connell or John Hume. In common with most of his party he honoured nationalists who had taken up arms in previous generations. He campaigned for the release of Fenian prisoners and visited men like Tom Clarke in prison. In Redmond’s book they were misguided, not wicked. He had his work cut out controlling some Fenians when he was chairman of the Independent newspaper, which started life as a Parnellite organ before being acquired about 1900 by William Martin Murphy.

To produce a rounded biography of Redmond is difficult because material is scant, except on his political career. There is no extant correspondence with either of his two wives or other family members. Few intimate recollections of family, close friends or colleagues at the Bar survive. He was a reserved very private man who, famously, never smiled in public.

But as a political biography this perceptive, balanced and sympathetic book is an important contribution at a high level of scholarship to Irish history.

- Charles Lysaght

Irish News
**Via Newshound
By Staff reporter
09/05/08

CONVICTED paramilitary leader Michael McKevitt has failed in a High Court bid to gain access to top-secret security service documents.

In a ruling at the Omagh bombing civil trial yesterday Mr Justice Morgan dismissed a disclosure application lodged by McKevitt as part of attempts to destroy the credibility of an FBI spy who infiltrated the Real IRA.

McKevitt, one of five men being sued over the August 1998 atrocity which killed 29 people including a woman pregnant with twins, had claimed his right to a fair trial was damaged by withholding relevant material on David Rupert.

Rupert, a US trucker-turned intelligence agent who also collaborated with the British secret service, was a key prosecution witness when McKevitt was found guilty of directing terrorism and jailed in 2003.

Although the spy is now in hiding and will not testify at the landmark claim for millions of pounds in damages against McKevitt, Seamus McKenna, Liam Campbell, Colm Murphy and Seamus Daly, Mr Justice Morgan has already ruled that his hearsay evidence can be introduced.

But McKevitt’s lawyers wanted a raft of confidential information released to them including:

- details of all meetings and correspondence between MI5 and Rupert

- a forensic copy of all email traffic between Rupert and MI5

- copies of all documents and recordings the spy sent to agents

- all material for a book Rupert planned to write about his de-ployment in Ireland including conversations with handlers

- material that suggested Rupert was coached, hypnotised or trained to enhance his evidence

- details of all contracts, agreement and payments made to or requested by him

- debriefings he gave on Omagh

- details of communication be-tween the FBI and gardai about Rupert’s role in Ireland

- details of the authorisation provided for his deployment.

Michael O’Higgins SC, for McKevitt, claimed he was entitled to all relevant documentation under the Administration of Justice Act but Bernard McCloskey QC, for the security services, successfully used competing legislation to resist disclosure. He insisted the Security Service Act prohibited the release of such materials.

The trial was adjourned until Monday, when it moves to Dublin to take evidence from Garda witnesses.

Sean Lynch Interview

BY AILEEN MURPHY
Fermanagh Herald
**Via Newshound
7 May 2008

From the Officer Commander of Republican prisoners in Long Kesh to a member of Fermanagh District Policing Partnership, Sean Lynch is perhaps the most visible example of how things have changed in Northern Ireland over recent years.

At 54 years of age Mr Lynch’s journey is remarkable.

Going back to his youth, he explains: “I got involved in the Republican movement in the 1970’s, more as result of the Civil Rights campaign, injustices, and Bloody Sunday, these events had a major impact on my decision to get involved.”

As his involvement grew Mr Lynch went on the run for seven years in Monaghan until he was arrested in 1986: “I was arrested during an operation by a SAS ambush in Roslea, during which Seamus McElwain, an IRA Volunteer, was killed. I was seriously injured, I wasn’t found until two hours after the ambush, and very lucky to be alive.,” he explains.

Brought before a Diplock Court, Mr Lynch was sentenced to 25 years in jail.

Housed in Long Kesh with Republican prisoners, Mr Lynch served 12 years of his sentence imposed for possession of explosives and a rifle. He was released under the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in 1988.

During his time in prison, Mr Lynch learnt many of the negotiating skills he would turn to in later life: “During this time, we prisoners had a lot of control over our own lives. And prison issues were resolved through dialogue between the prison leadership and the Republican prisoners’ regime.”

Turning to the Good Friday Agreement, he explained there was a very close communication between Republican prisoners and the Sinn Féin leadership leading up to, during, and after the negations surrounding the Agreement.

“When it was signed, we didn’t know what to think at that time, how it would affect us. It wasn’t until a number of months later we knew we would be part of a process of releases.

“We also knew it wasn’t about prisoners, but that it was about much more. For instance, our release under the GFA, which was an International Agreement between two governments, and was recognition by the British Government that we were political prisoners. ”

Released in October 1998, Mr Lynch turned to mainstream politics: “Prison was a phrase of struggle in my life and getting involved with Sinn Féin was a continuation of that struggle.

“When I got released, I came back to Lisnaskea, this was the first time I was home in 18 years. It was strange after being away for so long. And it does take a while to get used to the ordinary things in life again.

“The changes I noticed then were the lack of harassment, and the saturation of the British Army and the RUC that seemed to have been really toned down. There was also a sense of normality starting to come about.”

Working for the last decade with Sinn Féin at all levels, his most high-profile role was as Election Officer for Michelle Gildernew in the Westminster elections.

With a wealth of experience both within Sinn Féin, and as a negotiator, he was a frontrunner when it came to getting involved with policing here.

“Policing, was part of the GFA, it was something we knew we had to deal with. At the end of 2006, the real debate began within Republicanism on the issue. I supported the position of engaging with policing. It was one of the most thorough debates I have ever seen. In the end, over 95 percent of people agreed with the decision.

“It’s easy to fight against something, it’s much more difficult to get involved in something, shape it, change it and rebuild it,” Mr Lynch reflects. “And this is the same in regards to policing.

“We knew the decision would lead to Republicans taking their place on the Policing Board and on local DPP’s. You can’t take a decision and then back away from it.

To secure his place on the Fermanagh DPP, where he serves as an ‘Independent’ member, Mr Lynch went through a rigorous interview procedure. He has already attended one private meeting of the DPP, with the first public meeting scheduled for next Wednesday.

Speaking about his appointment, the fluent Irish speaker admits it came with mixed emotions, but he believes it is a move the Party had to make: “Sinn Féin have a mandate to engage in policing, the election of last March was based mostly on the policing position, and the party received overwhelming support.”

However, sitting across the table from the police is not all plain sailing: “I do feel some sense of anger, reflecting back on the number of dawn raids and the brutality on my own family and neighbours. Including the fact I was brutalised by members of the RUC while lying in a field in Roslea after the SAS ambush.

“But, at the same time, I know I can’t allow my own personal feelings to get in the way of change and progress. And I understand the PSNI have their own difficulties and apprehensions with myself.

“This is a working relationship. Society needs a police service, we are a long way from that yet before the PSNI get the total trust of the nationalist/republican community,” he continued.

“I just see it as another stage in the struggle, no different than I was involved in 25 years ago. The tactics are different, probably less dangerous, but the struggle is the same.

“On the DPP, I hope to achieve an end to political policing,” Mr Lynch explains. “We have to hold police accountable for their actions. We need a transparent service which polices the entire community.”

He is equally forthright in encouraging people to work with the police: “That’s what they are there for, it is their job”, he stated.

“And if people have issues with crime, then yes, they should bring it to police attention. But people should also hold them to account, because there are numerous times when the police are not fit for purpose. This was a militia who were involved in fighting a war, and that mentality hasn’t totally gone away. And one of our jobs is to demilitarise their thinking.”

He also encouraged those who are still engaged in violence to stop: “These are a few people out there who belong to micro-groups who do not have the support of the people. They have no support and should desist from their actions.”

Asked if he every envisaged himself on the DPP, Mr Lynch explains: “When you join a struggle there are many situations you don’t envisage finding yourself in. But in revolution you must be able to adopt to changing circumstances. And while I didn’t see myself in this position, it’s not a great surprise to me.

“The important point is we are now in government with the DUP, we are now pushing for the last aspects of the policing and justice powers to the Assembly. There are big challenges before us, but they are of a social and economic nature.”

Looking to the future, Mr Lynch is confident: “We are in a transitional period, and in my opinion we are moving towards an All-Ireland. The Six-County statelet is a failed entity. I think some Unionists are coming to the same conclusion. Britain is taking less of a role. I don’t think they have any key strategic, economic or other interests in this part of Ireland.”

Part of his motivation for change is to make things better for the next generation: “I have a 23 year-old son, Ciaran, and that is certainly a motivation. This current leadership are committed to solving the conflict so our children won’t have to experience what we went through.”

But in some ways the struggle goes on, Mr Lynch explains, not least at making life better for ex-prisoners: “There are still contradictions and anomalies in being an ex-prisoner. We can’t go to certain countries, we have difficulties getting mortgages, we can’t get certain jobs, we are still barred from the Civil Service. Take for example Conor Murphy or Gerry Kelly: they wouldn’t qualify for a job in the lowest aspect of their Department in the Civil Service, yet they are Ministers. These restrictions should be expunged as we were ‘political’ prisoners.

“It was the 22th anniversary of Seamus McElwain’s death last week, and it does bring back to you the realities of the conflict,” he concludes softly. “But, the one thing we have to do is exert every effort that we don’t ever again slip back into conflict. That’s the guiding principle. We’ve seen what war is like and it’s effects and we can’t go back there.”

By Alan Murray
Independent.ie
Sunday May 11 2008

MORE than 40 gardai have been summoned to appear in the Four Courts to give evidence in the civil action mounted by the relatives of some of the victims of the Omagh bombing.

The unprecedented transferring of High Court proceedings from Belfast to Dublin this week is taking the case into “uncharted waters” according to Michael Gallagher, whose son Aidan was killed in the 1998 attack by the Real IRA.

“We don’t know what the gardai will say when they are called to give evidence so we’re entering into uncharted waters”, the Omagh Support group’s spokesman said.

“We could hear huge details about the five men we are suing and their involvements in previous Real IRA attacks and the Omagh attack or we could be very disappointed,” the Omagh man said.

For the next fortnight, Mr Justice Morgan will call gardai officers to the Four Courts, where he will preside over proceedings which relatives feared might never take place.

Four days have been set aside for garda officers to give evidence this week with at least three days set aside for proceedings next week.

“Right up until the case got going in Belfast in April we didn’t know if we would be able to call these garda witnesses, and we’re still not sure what they can or will say. Some may still be tied up in criminal cases that touch on the Real IRA and might not be able to say some things about the defendants or they may have been told by their superiors in the garda not to divulge details about certain matters, we just don’t know,” Mr Gallagher added.

Writs were issued against the five defendants; Michael McKevitt, Seamus Daly, Seamus McKenna, Liam Campbell and Colm Murphy in July 2002 in an unprecedented effort to sue the alleged instigators of a terrorist attack.

The Omagh bombing claimed 29 lives and the lives of unborn twins but so far no one has been convicted in the criminal courts in Northern Ireland in relation to the atrocity. One defendant, Colm Murphy, was convicted in Dublin in 2002 and sentenced to 14 years imprisonment for conspiracy to cause the Omagh explosion but the conviction was overturned and he is awaiting retrial.

Seamus Daly has been convicted of being a member of the Real IRA, Seamus McKenna was convicted in 2004 of the unlawful possession of explosives and Liam Campbell was sentenced to five years in prison on terrorist charges. Michael McKevitt, the alleged leader of the Real IRA, was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment in 2003 for directing terrorism.

Michael Gallagher said the families who had brought the proceedings were determined to bring the bombers to justice.

“As far as the families are concerned this is an atrocity that won’t be forgotten and those responsible won’t be allowed to get away with it”, he said yesterday.

- Alan Murray

breakingnews.ie
10/05/2008 - 15:30:17

A Dublin man was charged with possession of explosives and membership of the IRA at a special sitting of the Special Criminal Court today [10th].

Noel Mooney (aged 29), Leo Fitzgerald House, Dublin 2, was charged with membership of an unlawful organisation, namely the IRA, otherwise Oglaigh na hEireann on Thursday last.

Mr Mooney was also charged with the unlawful possession of explosives, namely an improvised explosive device, at Sean Moore Park, Ringsend, Dublin 4, on the same date.

Sergeant Robert Lackey told the court that he arrested Mr Mooney in Blackrock today and that he made no reply when cautioned.

Mr Justice Paul Butler, presiding at the three-judge court, remanded Mr Mooney in custody until Wednesday, when a bail application is expected to be heard.

breakingnews.ie
10/05/2008 - 13:59:37

Police in the North have issued a warning about suspicious devices in shops.

The appeal follows yesterday’s discovery of a partially-detonated device at a toy store in Co Tyrone.

The object was found hidden within a fast food container in the Toymaster premises in Cookstown.

The PSNI today urged business owners to check their property for suspicious devices.

“Such devices have the potential to destroy property and endanger lives,” said a spokeswoman.

“Items may be left in garments, soft furnishings or upholstery, and are usually concealed within boxes or other packages.

“Owners and staff must be observant and look out for anything suspicious. Such objects must not be touched.”

Business owners were urged to check premises thoroughly before, during and after trading hours.

The PSNI said crime prevention officers are available to give advice to business owners.

Turner Prize-winning artist focuses on the hunger striker’s last six weeks

Vanessa Thorpe and Henry McDonald
Sunday May 11, 2008
The Observer

An uncompromising new film that examines the last six weeks in the life of Maze prison hunger striker Bobby Sands has drawn criticism from those who see it is an untimely celebration of the martyrdom of a terrorist.

The 96-minute film, Hunger, which has been part-funded by Channel 4, will have its world premiere at the Cannes film festival, which opens on Wednesday.

Sands, a member of the IRA jailed for possessing a gun, achieved iconic status for the Irish Republican movement when he died 27 years ago this month in the infamous H-Blocks at Long Kesh after 66 days of hunger strike in protest at prisoners losing their political status.

The film is the directorial debut of the Turner Prize-winning British artist Steve McQueen, best known for his recent work for the Imperial War Museum. An official war artist, he produced a provocative series of postage stamps bearing the faces of dead soldiers who had served in Iraq.

The artist’s first feature film has now placed him in controversial territory once more. ‘In Hunger there is no simplistic notion of “hero”, or “martyr” or “victim”. My intention is to provoke debate in the audience, to challenge our own morality through film,’ McQueen said.

‘If this film disarms the viewer, removes their barrier for a moment in time, then we’ve got them and through that experience the film can have some power, some meaning and hopefully make a difference. If, through entertainment, one can grab people’s attention, then it is great.’

But Richard O’Rawe, who was the IRA prisoner’s press officer at the time when Sands was dying, is not happy about a film that makes the hunger strike an artistic emblem. A former IRA prisoner himself, O’Rawe expressed concern that any life story about his comrade ‘did not reflect the narrative of the later peace process’.

O’Rawe, whose controversial book on the death fast, Blanketman, claimed that six of Sands’ fellow prisoners could have been saved if the republican leadership had accepted a compromise deal from Margaret Thatcher, said: ‘Bobby was a left-winger. He did not think a united Ireland was worth it unless it was a socialist Ireland. I know that because he told me inside the H-blocks.

‘Bobby did not die so we could be where we are now - with Sinn Fein working inside a British-controlled parliament. I have heard the film is more a psychological story about one man facing death. If that is all it is, then I have no problem with that. My main concern is if the narrative tries to take us from Bobby’s struggle to the political situation we are in today. He would not have wanted that.’

Jeffrey Donaldson, the Democratic Unionist MP who had relatives killed by the IRA during the Troubles, was also critical of the subject matter of the film. He said he wished film-makers and writers would take time to ‘give a more balanced portrayal of what went on in Northern Ireland’.

‘Hopefully one day film-makers will look at the innocent victims, the ones who didn’t choose to die and tell their stories instead of focusing all the time on those who had a choice to live or die. I fear this film won’t do that, but instead portray what groups like the IRA did in a heroic light,’ he said.

The part of Sands is played by Michael Fassbender, who appeared as Stelios in the recent Hollywood Spartan epic, 300. The artist co-wrote the screenplay with the acclaimed Irish playwright Enda Walsh, author of Disco Pigs and Bedbound. ‘

‘When Jan Younghusband at Channel 4 approached me at the beginning of 2003 there was no Iraq War, no Guantanamo Bay, no Abu Ghraib prison, but as time’s gone by the parallels have become apparent. History repeats itself, lots of people have short memories and we need to remember that these kinds of things have happened in Britain,’ said McQueen.

Films covering the Troubles have attracted controversy at the film festival before. Terry George’s Some Mother’s Son, in which John Lynch played Bobby Sands, caused anger, while Ken Loach’s The Wind that Shakes the Barley won the Palme d’Or at Cannes in 2006.

This year’s festival, the 61st, runs until 25 May.

Cryptome
10 May 2008

**I will be keeping a copy of this in case the link is disabled in the future

Contents

All documents: http://cryptome.org/ruc-interrogate.zip (Zipped PDF, 70 pp., 3.4MB)

1. Home Office letter of transmittal to Cryptome, 1 May 2008, 1 p.

2. Leonard Davies note to Sir William Nield [Permanent Secretary, Northern Ireland Office], 11 May 1972, with attachment: “THE ROYAL ULSTER CONSTABULARY, Instruction on the Treament of Prisoners, Code Regulation, with two handwritten annotations, 2 pp.

3. William Nield letter to Sir Philip Allen, GCB, Home Office, 12 May 1972, marked “SECRET,” entitled “TREATMENT OF PRISONERS,” 1 p.

4. J. T. Ellis [Assistant (Crime) to HM, Chief Inspector of Constabulary] letter to Mr. [Joseph. H.] Waddell, 2 June 1972, marked “CONFIDENTIAL,” entitled “TREATMENT OF PRISONERS - RUC,” 3 pp.

5. JHW [Joseph. H. Waddell, ER] letter to MR. [J.T.] ELLIS, 12 June 1972, marked “CONFIDENTIAL,” 1 p.

6. J. H. Waddell note to Neil [N.F. Carincross, C.B. Northern Ireland Office], 19 June 1972, marked “CONFIDENTIAL,” 1 p.

7. JHW [Joseph. H. Waddell, ER] letter to 1. SIR JOHN McKAY and 2. MR. WHITTICK, 16 June 1972, marked “CONFIDENTIAL,” 1 p.

8. N. F. Cairncross note to Jimmy [J. H. Waddell, Esq.], 28 June 1972, marked “CONFIDENTIAL,” 1 p.

9. [Illegible] note to Note, June 27 1972, 1 p.

10. INSPECTOR GENERAL’S CIRCULAR, ANNEX B, INDEX TITLE:- Criminal Investigation - Interviewing Suspects and Others, Inspector General’s Office, Royal Ulster Constabulary, Belfast, 1, 16 March 1961, 2 pp.

11. A page headed: NOTEBOOK, REPORTS, STATEMENTS AND CASES, Ch.5, , undated, 1 p.

12. APPENDIX [illegible], EXTRACT - R.U.C. MANUAL. CHAPTER 5, NOTEBOOK, REPORTS, STATEMENTS AND CASES, undated, 5 pp.

13. APPENDIX [illegible], EXTRACT - R.U.C. MANUAL, Chapter 9, Prisoners, undated, 13 pp.

14. APPENDIX D, EXTRACT - R.U.C CODE, CR 1380-1458, Prisoners, undated, 11 pp.

15. APPENDIX E, EXTRACT - R.U.C. CODE, CR 1813-1828, Statements, undated, 4 pp.

16. APPENDIX F, E.R, ROYAL ULSTER CONSTABULARY POLICE HOLDING CENTRE DOCUMENTATION, undated 8 pp.

Property Certificate
Initial Medical Examination Form
Final Medical Examination Form
Interrogation Folder Form
Interrogation Folder Aide Memoire

17. Royal Ulster Constabulary, For Police Use Only, H.Q. Ref. C.94, Force Order No 184/71, Date: 15 December 1971, ARRESTS OF CHILDREN AND YOUNG PERSONS, 2 pp.

18. Royal Ulster Constabulary, For Police Use Only, H.Q. SB.16/1/1, Memorandum No 15/72 Restricted, Date: 15 [illegible], [Citations of regulations governing arrests], 6 pp.

19. Royal Ulster Constabulary, For Police Use Only, H.Q. OPS.3/18, Force Order No 64/72, Date: 26 April 1972, 1 p.

20. APPENDIX [illegible], Standing Orders for Police Holding Centres, undated, 5 pp.