Investigators are chasing every penny derived from criminal activity to strip the group of its wealth
John Mooney
Sunday Times
27 July 2008

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When photographs of John Noonan helping Gerry Adams shoulder the coffin of a famous IRA volunteer through the streets of Belfast appeared in newspapers last February, Sinn Fein reacted in horror. Noonan was a former adjutant officer of the Provisional’s Dublin brigade and had stood for Sinn Fein in the European elections of 1984. Adam’s former comrade had also served a prison sentence for possession of firearms in the 1970s, which further enhanced his republican credentials.
But that was then. By the time the Sinn Fein leader realised that Noonan was standing behind him at the funeral of Brendan Hughes, a founder member of the Provisional IRA when it broke away from the Official IRA in 1970, the cameras had already recorded the moment for posterity.
Adams, peacemaker and politician, didn’t need to be photographed with a man who was the subject of an in-depth investigation by the Criminal Assets Bureau (CAB), the elite garda unit established to seize money derived from criminal activity. Noonan was one of the few people who knew where the IRA had invested the funds it had robbed and extorted throughout the Troubles.
With the Provisional IRA’s killing machine dismantled, the focus has switched to turning off the republican movement’s money machine. Noonan, like other former republicans being targeted by the CAB, has become a liability and an embarrassment to Sinn Fein.
Since 2004, the CAB and its British equivalent, the Serious Organised Crime Agency (SOCA), have mounted a succession of fiscal investigations into the IRA which are intended to strip the terrorist organisation and its key members of their wealth.
It was Michael McDowell, the former justice minister, who made it clear that the agency’s remit was to chase down the IRA’s finances and its godfathers. McDowell was looking for instant results but the intelligence services, including MI5 and Garda special branch, had a long-term strategy: they wanted to ensure republicans would never again have access to the type of funds that would allow them to rearm.
THE strategy of stripping militant republicans of their wealth was first used after the Real IRA bombed Omagh in 1998, killing 29 people and unborn twin girls. As part of the Irish government’s offensive against the dissidents, the CAB launched an inquiry into Liam Campbell, the Real IRA’s director of operations for Ulster.
Campbell, a smuggler, was later issued with a tax demand for €500,000. Other dissidents were also targeted and forced to make substantial settlements, albeit in secret. The bureau’s operation, which was later adapted to counter the Provos, had a crippling effect on the struggling dissident paramilitary group and was instrumental in its collapse.
Dealing with the Provisional IRA, however, has proved to be more complicated. Over the years the movement has invested millions in front companies and offshore accounts. A report by the House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee in 2002 estimated that the Provisional IRA’s annual running costs were €2.8m and that its annual fundraising capacity was between €9.25m and €14m. If the IRA was a company, it would have been reporting profits of about €11m a year.
So where’s the money?
John Horan, an expert on money laundering and a former member of the Police Service of Northern Ireland, said the IRA has invested heavily in bars, clubs, taxi firms, shops and hotels. The terrorist group also operates bureau-de-changes in France and Britain which are used to launder money. IRA Inc, as it is known, also maintains extensive investments in offshore properties and investment schemes.
“In the 1970s, the IRA was a ramshackle group, but that changed over 30 years of war,” said Horan. “What made them particularly successful at managing money was the fact that they bought in expertise. The IRA realised that it could use professional people who supported their cause but were unwilling to take up arms. So they hired investment brokers and accountants. “This ensured that their financial controls were very good. They also learned how to launder money and invest it wisely. You could say they kept a tight control on their finances. If anyone dipped into them, they were usually found on a dark roadway in south Armagh,” he added.
To date, the CAB and SOCA have seized assets and cash worth more than €50m from scores of republican targets. Among them is Patrick Leneghan who reached a €5m out-of-court tax settlement with the CAB last year. That settlement was for non-payment of taxes, not for the proceeds of crime.
The CAB also settled an ¤8m claim with Thomas McFeely, a key player in the €500m extension of The Square shopping centre in Tallaght, Dublin. McFeely served 12 years of a 26-year sentence in the Maze prison for robbing a post office and shooting and wounding an RUC officer during the siege of a house in Co Derry.
Thomas “Slab” Murphy, the IRA’s former chief of staff, is another prime target. Murphy is an iconic figure for many hard-line republicans and a hate figure for unionists, who accuse him of masterminding scores of bomb attacks. He was issued with a tax demand for €5m by the bureau in 2006 after his farm on the Louth-Armagh border was searched by gardai.
That raid followed an operation by the British security services which seized
properties worth €17.3m in the greater Manchester area. Murphy has tried to negotiate a settlement with the bureau but, so far, the two sides have failed to reach an agreement. Other suspects, including prominent businessmen, are being pursued by the bureau through the courts for millions in unpaid taxes.
The IRA no longer requires the money it has amassed for purchasing weapons.
“It has found itself in a position where money is being generated through the front companies it established during the Troubles but it doesn’t need the money,” said one senior garda.
The security source added: “Its finance department has a huge headache, if you can call it that, because it can’t use this money without attracting attention”
The problems which large amounts of cash attract is best illustrated by the ¤38.6m that the IRA stole from the Northern Bank in December 2004. Though it was initially suspected that the raid was organised to reward its members and set them up for retirement, that assessment has since changed. The security services now believe the robbery was sanctioned by the IRA’s army council in order to send a message to the British government after the breakdown of peace negotiations the previous summer. “The IRA wanted to show the British that it was capable of pulling off a major operation right under their noses but it rebounded on them. They knew they couldn’t bomb a target but they did the next best thing, which was to clean out a bank in Belfast, known to be the most security conscious city in Europe. The heist was meant to be an ‘up yours’ to the British, a financial Canary Wharf, without an explosion,” said a garda source. “But look what happened. Some of those involved in the operation couldn’t help but take the money and try to launder it, which caused all sorts of headaches for the leadership,” the source added.
Almost two months after the raid, gardai recovered nearly €3m in cash from various places in Co Cork. About £2.3m was found in a green wheelie bin in a back garden. The force has since accounted for close to €5m of the missing cash but the whereabouts of the remaining cash is unknown, although special branch suspect it has been destroyed. “That particular escapade taught the IRA that having too much money can be just as dangerous as having too little,” added the source.
According to intelligence experts, this realisation partly explains why the IRA leadership has allowed some members to steal from its coffers, and to take control of its money laundering operations. “The problem the movement faces is what to do with a business empire that is producing hot money.”
That problem won’t last forever given the rate at which the bureau is continuing to seize money from republicans, whose finances cannot be accounted for, or who have been linked the IRA. The CAB operation, which is led by John O’Mahony, the bureau’s chief officer, will continue indefinitely and could result in the seizure of a further ¤50m from IRA suspects. “The bureau will continue to target the IRA for as long as is necessary. This operation will only stop when there’s nothing left to seize. It’s an open-ended investigation which has no end in sight,” said a source close to the inquiry. As the CAB continues to issue tax demands from business figures associated with the Provos, many of them will be forced to sell their money-producing assets to meet those bills.
SINN FEIN is believed to be ambivalent about the government’s attempts to seize republican finances. But as a political party that continues to deny having links with the IRA there is embarrassment at being continually associated with republicans such as Murphy.
“Sinn Fein are too street smart to allow hot money from the IRA to enter their accounts,” said Horan. “The party is trying to be whiter than white. They don’t want money from the IRA to contaminate their finances,” he added.
This view is shared by garda special branch and the CAB. “If you were to investigate the source of Sinn Fein’s funds, you might as well be examining those of the Labour party,” remarked one anti-terrorist garda officer in Garda Headquarters.
Dessie Ellis, a Sinn Fein councillor from Dublin northwest who served a sentence for terrorist-related crimes, said Sinn Fein fully supported the rule of law and was opposed to money laundering.
“Sinn Fein can account for every penny it receives and spends. We are not rich. People in Sinn Fein have nothing to hide anymore,” said Ellis.
That opinion is supported by Christy Burke, another Sinn Fein councillor from Dublin. He said Sinn Fein accepted the CAB had a job to do and believes strongly that Sinn Fein must be seen to be beyond reproach on financial issues.
“I am an old-timer but Sinn Fein is now a young and vibrant party. We are in a power-sharing executive in Northern Ireland, we have members sitting in the Dail and in the European
Parliament. We have to lead by example.” He added: “It’s up to CAB to investigate whomever they like. If they find people who have questions to answer, they have questions to answer. I certainly won’t be losing any sleep over them.”