SAOIRSE32

15/9/2008

Moment a killer shopped himself

By Ciaran McGuigan
Sunday Life
14 September 2008

This is the moment when a cold-hearted sectarian killer was trapped by his own efforts to cover up his cowardly crime.

William Hill (24) bludgeoned innocent David Cupples to death in a fit of rage, thinking that the Protestant Army cook was a Catholic.


Ulster Murder Victim David Couples

After having a row with his ex-girlfriend, Hill bumped into his victim near a filling station in north Belfast and carried out a savage and unprovoked attack at around 7am on Sunday, December 22 2002.

As Mr Cupples lay fighting for his life Hill was busy trying to cover his tracks.

He went to an all-night filling station four hours AFTER the murder to remove CCTV footage that he feared would place him at the murder scene.

But his attempts to remove all traces connecting him to the brutal killing actually trapped Hill as he fled the filling station empty-handed — but AFTER giving cops enough evidence to nail him and two pals who tried to help him get away with the murder.

The CCTV footage will be shown for he first time later this week by the BBC’s In Cold Blood team.

They show how cops were able to ID Hill from the footage as he demanded CCTV tapes from filling station staff.

Police were also able to identify Brian Dickson (24) from Azamor Street and Darren Paul (24) from Lyndhurst View Avenue from CCTV pictures of the car in the garage forecourt.

The police hunt for the clues then led them to Hill’s brother Edward (22), from Southport Court, who had tried to destroy the killer’s clothes by burning them and eventually hiding the partially burned jeans and jacket in a coal bunker.

Arrogant Hill was still convinced that there was no evidence to tie him to the murder and was cocky with detectives who interviewed him for three days after he eventually handed himself in for questioning on New Year’s Day 2003 — 10 days after the attack.

But his hopes of escaping justice unravelled as cops first overheard angry discussions about the burnt clothes between Hill and his brother Edward as they sat in adjoining custody cells.

They also recovered hundreds of letters that Hill had sent to his girlfriend from his prison cell while he was on remand awaiting trial for murder.

One of the letters was effectively a signed confession, according to the cop who led the murder hunt, Detective Inspector Peter Moore.

In spite of the powerful case against him, Hill waited until the very last moment — after a jury had been sworn to hear his trial — before finally admitting

that he had murdered Mr Cupples. He is now serving a life sentence — with his minimum tariff set at 13 years.

His three partners-in-crime all pleaded guilty to assisting an offender and were sentenced to three-year probation orders.

Mr Cupples, who was working as a cook at Girdwood Barracks in north Belfast, had fought for his life for three days with his family maintaining a bedside vigil before making the heartbreaking decision to switch off his life-support machine.

His dad John told programme-makers how his son had gone on to save two other lives after he passed away by donating his liver, heart and lungs for transplants.

“He saved the lives of two other people . . . David would have liked that,” he said.

In Cold Blood, BBC1 NI, Wednesday, 10.45pm.

Holy Cross dismay at loss of riot priest

The priest at the heart of the Holy Cross standoff has called on the church to explain why he is being moved to Paris

June Caldwell
Times Online
14 Sept 2008

Aidan Troy, the Ardoyne priest who is being transferred to Paris, has called on his order to explain to parishioners why he is being moved. The switch has caused anger in north Belfast, and Troy has said the Catholic church authorities should listen to what people were saying.


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“I think there is something wrong when a leadership of any organisation, particularly a gospel-driven community like the church, is not listening to the voices on the ground,” he said yesterday.

A native of Bray, Co Wicklow, Troy came to international prominence in 2001 during the loyalist picket of the Holy Cross girls’ school. He helped to escort the primary school pupils past a jeering mob.

The Passionate Order is now moving Troy to Paris, after seven years in Belfast. Locals believe they should have been consulted before losing their priest.

“They are basically saying, ‘if we are the people of God and we own the church, why have we not been asked?’ There is immense anger,” Troy said. “It is out of control at the minute and thousands of petition signatures will not make any difference to the church’s decision.”

Troy said he was not calling for the order to reverse its decision, but that its silence made the situation worse. “Already people are telling me they will stop attending mass here which would be a huge shame,” he said. “Something has happened that the church leadership does not know how to deal with and I have found it very uncomfortable.”

The 62-year-old priest said he had done nothing heroic, he merely dealt with a set of circumstances at the time of the Holy Cross dispute, which cemented a deep relationship with his parish. The loyalist blockade of the girls’ primary school in Ardoyne was Troy’s first challenge as parish priest.

“Some people think I walked up the road during the dispute because I was some kind of crusader, but that’s not true. If the people had said, ‘you’ll cause immense trouble walking up that road, don’t do it,’ I would have said, ‘thanks be to God.’

“In fact having me with them created a kind of barrier against further violence. My main fear was that a child could be killed and that it would re-ignite the Troubles.”

He says areas like Ardoyne were still beset with mistrust and insecurity. “The area is not as settled as Stormont or the city centre and other areas like the Lisburn Road with its great shops and trendy restaurants. If you look at Mount Vernon or parts of Ballymena you realise that life is still quite delicate,” he said. The priest believes it will take “generations” to get over the residual hatred caused by the Troubles.

Troy was informed on August 13 about his transfer to an English-speaking parish in Paris on September 30. “I have taken a vow of obedience and I have absolute faith in my vocation, otherwise I would view this as just dirty politics.”

Last Wednesday, hundreds of schoolchildren walked to the Holy Cross church in a show of solidarity but Troy did not walk with them. “It is the nearest thing to being at your own funeral: most people don’t live to hear people saying, ‘this is what you meant to us.’ I am getting the flowers when I am still alive,” he said.

Martin Campbell is one of the local signatories of a petition to the church that Troy be allowed to stay. “Father Troy was there for me at all times of the day and night,” he said.

Troy has told his parishioners not to lose heart. “I got a phone call last week to advise me that a woman was on her way to chain herself to the door of the church, I urged her not to. I asked the people not to protest, but they are hurt and angry. It’s my view that the powers-that-be should at least sit down and talk to them, but not to change their decision.”

However, he did say that If given the choice, he would work in the community in a pastoral capacity, particularly with suicide prevention groups.

He will say mass daily at the Holy Cross church until the end of September, with his last public function being a wedding on the 27th. “I fell in love with the Ardoyne community. They imparted courage and a wisdom that has changed me beyond anything I could ever have hoped for,” he said.

Morrison slams secret acquittal

Irish News
**Via Newshound
13 Sept 2009

Yesterday, a Public Prosecution Service (PPS) lawyer told the Court of Appeal that new evidence surrounding the abduction of Special Branch agent Alexander `Sandy’ Lynch in February 1990 meant that the prosecutions of Mr Morrison and six co-accused could no longer be regarded as safe.


SINN Fein’s former Publicity Director Danny Morrison last night demanded to know why his conviction for the abduction of a Special Branch agent is to be quashed without explanation.

QUESTIONS: Danny Morrison, Jim Carroll and Gerard Hodgins leaving court yesterday (Photo: Mal McCann)

In May 1991 the former Sinn Fein publicity director was jailed for eight years for aiding and abetting Lynch’s false imprisonment.

During Mr Morrison’s trial Mr Lynch identified Freddie Scappaticci as his main abductor.

In 2003 Scappaticci denied speculation that he was the British army spy known as`Stakeknife’.

Earlier this year the Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC), which investigates alleged miscarriages of justice, referred the seven convictions back to the Court of Appeal.

However the CCRC refused to give its reasons for referring the convictions back to the Court of Appeal.

Instead a sealed envelope was given to the Court of Appeal, which has remained unopened for five months.

Yesterday Crown counsel Gerald Simpson QC said the PPS would now allow Court of Appeal judges to read the CCRC’s findings but objected to the details being shared with defence barristers or being made public.

Mr Morrison’s barrister Charles Adair QC said that the supposedly reliable evidence originally used to convict his client had been put into the public arena and it was now only proper that Morrison should be entitled to the same level of openness when his conviction was now to be quashed.

“It seems amazing that the court is saying that we find this man not guilty but we don’t know why,” he said.

Gerard Hodgins’s barrister, Frank O’Donoghue, told the court that the refusal to reveal the CCRC’s reasons meant that Morrison and his co-accused would effectively be blocked from applying for compensation.

He said the seven would be left in the predicament of having to establish their complete innocence to the satisfaction of the secretary of state before they could be compensated for being wrongfully convicted.

The case has now been adjourned until October 3 to allow the Court of Appeal to study the CCRC document.

Mr Morrison said demanded that the CCRC findings should now be made public.

“I think it’s only fair that they should open that envelope.

“We are entitled to see what these documents say, provided it isn’t endangering anyone,” he said.

“We appeared in a trial, during which all sorts of things were alleged.

“We were wrongly convicted in public and I think given the new political dispensation it is only fair that we are given the reasons for our original convictions now being overturned.

“The court owes us that much.”

Police chief rejects republican’s letter claim

By Liz Trainor
Irish News
**Via Newshound
13/09/08

ONE of Northern Ireland’s most senior police officers has hit back at Lurgan republican Colin Duffy over Mr Duffy’s claim that policing in the north remained “fundamentally unchanged”.

Writing in today’s Irish News, Assistant Chief Constable Judith Gillespie said she was “confident in the common sense of readers of The Irish News” to judge his comments as a “piece of dated political rhetoric with no basis in the realities of life in Northern Ireland today”.

Ms Gillespie took the unusual step of responding to Mr Duffy, spokesman for Eirigi, a republican group opposed to the Sinn Fein strategy, after a letter he wrote appeared in last Saturday’s edition of The Irish News.

In it he said that recent trouble in Craigavon – where two days of serious rioting saw separate gun, blast and petrol-bomb attacks on police – provided proof that policing remained unchanged.

Former republican prisoner Mr Duffy blamed police for being “combative and provocative” and claimed that young people were merely reacting to police aggression.

He went on to argue for community policing structures in the absence of a united Ireland.

But Ms Gillespie said she was confident that the majority of people in Craigavon would recognise that he had used “jaded and empty language of the past”.

Rejecting Mr Duffy’s claim that police had been heavy-handed during the operation against dissident republicans in the Craigavon area, she said his tone “attempted to excuse the violence against police” and ordinary residents who suffered during the trouble.

“There is no going back to the dark days of the past,” she said.

“Mr Duffy might want to live there but the rest of us will not be joining him.”

Explainer: GCHQ monitoring

**I love how these articles keep attempting to explain the morally unexplainable.

Richard Norton-Taylor
The Guardian
Monday September 15 2008

GCHQ, the government’s Cheltenham-based electronic eavesdropping centre, has a special unit to monitor Northern Ireland and is understood to have the capacity to bug every mobile and landline there. But why might GCHQ not have passed on information about the recorded telephone conversations between the Omagh bombers?

GCHQ is extremely jealous of its phone-tapping technology and is sensitive about alerting anyone to what its electronic devices can do.

It is particularly sensitive about suggestions that it was bugging Irish citizens across the border, as it appeared to be doing in this case. Despite good relations between the police and MI5 and the Garda - the police in the Republic - Irish ministers responded angrily whenever evidence was produced that GCHQ was monitoring conversations in their country. This would have been compounded by distrust of other security and intelligence agencies operating in Northern Ireland.

Mutual suspicion between GCHQ, MI5, the Northern Ireland police special branch, the police criminal investigation division and army intelligence, was rife, intelligence sources have told the Guardian.

This was partly caused by allegations of collusion between the agencies and republican and loyalist paramilitaries, and partly because different agencies were handling different informants - the consequence of old-fashioned turf wars.

After the Omagh bombing, according to Panorama, the special branch in Northern Ireland asked GCHQ what happened and was told: “We missed it.” It is possible relevant telephone numbers were automatically recorded and no individual was listening to the conversations “live”.

Technology can lead to too much reliance on machines, intelligence officers point out. Intelligence gathering ultimately relies on the human factor.

‘Bombers’ were tracked across border by GCHQ on their way to Omagh

Robert Booth
Guardian
Monday September 15 2008

· Panorama revelations lift families’ civil case hopes
· Phone-tap questions bring new calls for inquiry

A secret phone tapping operation which tracked the Omagh bombers on their way to commit the deadliest atrocity in the history of the Troubles could provide vital new evidence against the Real IRA, families of victims said yesterday.

Evidence emerged yesterday of hitherto unknown taps carried out by GCHQ, the government’s electronic communication interception service, as the apparent bombers crossed the border from the Republic of Ireland on August 15 1998 on their way to plant the device.

Lawyers for the families believe the intercepts could add weight to a current civil case against five alleged members of the Real IRA, including founder Michael McKevitt. The dissident republican group was behind the Saturday afternoon attack which killed 29 men, women and children and two unborn babies.

The existence of the phone-tap evidence is revealed in a Panorama investigation to be broadcast on BBC1 tonight which features claims that the evidence was not passed on to police, and that if it had been the attack could have been averted and the terrorists caught.

“It is totally shattering,” said Michael Gallagher, chairman of the Omagh Support and Self Help Group, which represents the families of victims. “The possibility that the people who were plotting the bomb in Omagh could have been caught in the act, stopped and apprehended is a very sobering thought for the families.”

The phone taps would not be admissible in a criminal court but the families are hopeful they can be used in their civil case, which resumes in Belfast tomorrow. Lawyers are exploring whether security agents, including listeners at GCHQ, could act as witnesses. According to Panorama, the surveillance was ordered by the head of special branch in the south region of Northern Ireland, amid a spate of increasingly violent attacks by dissident republicans. The police commander told the BBC he asked GCHQ for “live” monitoring of a mobile phone that had been used in an earlier bombing at Banbridge in Co Down. A police unit was placed on standby to step in if GCHQ got a fix on the mobile again.

About one and a half hours before the blast, the listening post in Cheltenham traced a call to the suspect phone and picked up the words: “We’re crossing the line”, meaning entering UK territory.

With 44 minutes to go, the words “the bricks are in the wall” were heard on the same phone, a code understood to mean the bomb was in place. After the blast the target mobile called an accountant in Kilkenny and the name “Seamus” was used. Panorama claims the voice was identified as Seamus Daly, a 28-year-old who is one of the five men accused in the civil case.

Ray White, a former assistant chief constable of the Northern Ireland police service, told Panorama that special branch received none of this information until the following Tuesday. White said that when special branch asked why the information came so late, GCHQ said: “We missed it.”

Another BBC source said the intercepts were with special branch “within five to six hours”, but CID logs show their detectives received no substantive briefing until three weeks later, and even then it was “sanitised”.

Questions over how the tapping operation was handled led to renewed calls this weekend for a public inquiry into the 10-year criminal investigation, which has resulted in no successful prosecutions.

“After the bomb exploded, the intelligence agencies didn’t go to the police and give them every inch of what they had which could help them find the bombers at an early stage,” said Gallagher. “There are real questions for the prime minister and the Irish taoiseach. Before this came up we had requested a meeting with Gordon Brown and he wrote back and basically said he was too busy. Now the landscape has changed and we expect a meeting with him so he can explain what happened.”

The Northern Ireland police ombudsman, Nuala O’Loan, said yesterday the phone tapping evidence could have averted the atrocity. “There are a very limited number of access routes to Omagh town,” she said. “And if they came to the view that that was where a device was being taken, it would seem to me there could have been roadblocks set up. They would have seen this and would have just abandoned the bombs by the roadside.”

Last December, a Belfast judge cleared Sean Hoey, the only man ever charged in direct connection with the car bomb attack, of any involvement.

Some of the families are pursuing a civil case against alleged terrorists Colm Murphy, Liam Campbell, Seamus McKenna and Seamus Daly as well as McKevitt for involvement in the bomb plot. All five deny the allegations.

The Northern Ireland policing board said yesterday it would ask Sir Hugh Orde, chief constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland, to consider the possible use of the phone-tap evidence in the criminal investigation: “We need to see whether this is new evidence that would assist the investigation, or if this is something that police are aware of.”

In 2006, Orde said that “the Security Service did not withhold intelligence that was relevant or would have progressed the criminal Omagh inquiry”. Earlier this year the board concluded that there was virtually no chance of charges being brought against anyone in the Real IRA, unless new evidence emerged. The families are demanding an urgent search to see if any of the bugging evidence still exists and could be digitally enhanced, which could allow the voices to be connected with names. A spokeswoman for the Northern Ireland Office said: “We never comment on issues of this nature.”
Key figures

Sir Ronnie Flanagan

Head of Royal Ulster Constabulary at the time of the bombing. Flanagan was in charge of the police service when it reformed in 2001 as the Police Service of Northern Ireland. A report by the police ombudsman for Northern Ireland criticised his role in the Omagh investigation. He is now HM chief inspector of constabulary.

Michael McKevitt

Founder of Real IRA. McKevitt, 59, from Co Louth, is serving 20 years in jail for terrorist offences related to the Real IRA. He quit the Provisional IRA and founded the Real IRA in protest at the former’s participation in the peace process. He is married to Bernadette Sands, sister of the hunger striker Bobby Sands.

Sir Francis Richards

Director of GCHQ at the time of the bombing. Richards was one month into the job when the Real IRA hit Omagh, having succeeded Sir Kevin Tebbit at Cheltenham. He was also on the frontline of the UK’s intelligence response to the September 11 terrorist attacks and served until 2003, when he became governor of Gibraltar, a posting which lasted until 2006.

Michael Gallagher

Chairman of Omagh Support and Self Help Group. Gallagher’s 21-year-old son, Aidan, was killed in the blast that ripped through the Co Tyrone town. He now fronts a civil action on behalf of 19 relatives of people killed in the attack aimed at holding five men as well as the “corporate entity” of the Real IRA responsible.

Louth man faces extradition over arms link

Lithuanian police issue arrest warrant for Brendan McGuigan over connection to alleged arms dealing for the Real IRA

John Mooney
Times Online
**Via Newshound
14 Sept 2008

Anti-terrorist police in Lithuania are seeking the extradition of a Co Louth man they believe is linked to an alleged attempt by dissident republicans to purchase arms in the eastern bloc.

The authorities in Vilnius have issued a European arrest warrant for Brendan McGuigan, 28, from Omeath in Co Louth, who is being sought in connection with an investigation into attempted arms- smuggling by the Real IRA.

McGuigan is alleged to have travelled to Lithuania in August 2007 where it is claimed he attempted to buy firearms, ammunition and explosive devices. Another man from Co Louth, Michael Campbell, 35, is awaiting trial in connection with the same case.

Campbell was arrested at a lock-up garage on the outskirts of Vilnius in January while allegedly attempting to complete an arms deal.

Campbell’s brother, Liam, is a republican hardliner from Louth and a founder of the Real IRA, which murdered 29 people when it bombed Omagh in August 1998.

McGuigan was arrested by gardai earlier this year on foot of a European arrest warrant issued by the Lithuanian authorities and released on bail. A full extradition hearing will be heard later this year.

The Real IRA, which opposes the Northern Ireland peace process, have been reluctant to buy arms abroad, fearing entrapment by the British and Irish security services. Special Branch and MI5 have previously thwarted its arms- smuggling operations from the Balkans and mainland Europe.

In 2003, gardai compromised a plan by Seamus McGrane, a republican dissident who lives in Dromiskin, Co Louth, to smuggle small arms from France to Ireland. That operation resulted in the conviction of two dissidents.

The security forces also cracked a number of weapon-buying operations in eastern Europe. In one sting operation in Slovakia, MI5 officers posing as Iraqi agents working for Saddam Hussein met three IRA members to negotiate an arms deal.

On their return to Britain, the three were convicted of conspiracy to buy weapons.

The Informers

Suzanne Breen Northern Editor
Tribune.ie
**Via Newshound
September 14, 2008

HIS eyes dart nervously around the hotel, searching for danger. The businessman in the pin-striped suit could pull a gun from his briefcase. The good-looking girl chatting on her mobile phone might betelling assassins where he’s sitting. Raymond Gilmour, IRA informer, is always waiting for a bullet in the head.

Raymond Gilmour. ‘The kids were told I was dead. I’ve had no contact with them. Raymond is 27 now and Denise is 26. They are always in my thoughts’

‘It could come anytime, anywhere,” he says. “I should be dead long ago.” It’s almost 25 years since he stood in court giving evidence in the North’s biggest supergrass trial. “Republicans don’t forget. They have memories like elephants,” he says. “The IRA ceasefire doesn’t apply to people like me. I’ll be a target until the day I die.”

Supergrass Raymond Gilmour

Beside him sits Marty McGartland who infiltrated the IRA in west Belfast for the RUC Special Branch. Whereas Gilmour is uncomfortable and nervous, McGartland is cocky and defiant: “Don’t worry Ray. If the IRA come, I’ll knock them to the ground and you can give them a good kicking!”

“You’re a ballsy wee f**ker, aren’t you?” says Gilmour, laughing. McGartland has escaped the IRA twice. He jumped out a third-floor flat window after being abducted in west Belfast. He was seriously injured in an attempted assassination in England – wrestling with his attacker for the gun saved his life.

“The rule is ‘think on your feet’,” he says. “The boys coming after you have a script. You make them depart from it and disorientate them. To survive, you need a nose for danger but you must relax in your daily life. Being suspicious of everybody draws attention to yourself.”

We’re in a hotel in England. Both men have come out of hiding to meet the Sunday Tribune. For security reasons, neither has done a face-to-face interview with a journalist in a decade. “This is MI5’s worst nightmare, us sitting here together talking to you,” McGartland says with a big grin. He nibbles chocolate biscuits while Gilmour continues watching everybody. The hotel fire alarm goes off. “Run!” shouts McGartland, rolling about laughing.

It’s the first time they’ve met. Although they didn’t know each other, Gilmour sent a get-well card to the hospital when McGartland was shot in 1999. After talking on the telephone a few weeks ago, they decided to get together to form Base (British Agents Seek Equality), to campaign against what they say is neglect by the state they so loyally served. “We’ve been thrown to the wolves,” Gilmour says. “MI5 doesn’t give a shit about us. We’ve outlived our usefulness.”

‘We weren’t touts’

To republicans, they’re receiving their just desserts. Even in wider Irish society, the informer is seen as a despicable creature turning against his comrades for money and self-gain. “I don’t accept that,” McGartland says. “We weren’t touts who broke under interrogation. We were British agents who joined the IRA at the request of our handlers to save lives. The majority or ordinary people oppose terrorism.” The IRA Army Council is unlikely to be hunting them down. But if individual IRA units – particularly in Derry or west Belfast – learned their whereabouts in England, they’d be targeted. If either returned home to live openly, they’d be dead in hours.

Gilmour (47) is battling alcoholism and depression. He also has a serious heart complaint. His third wife Clare, an attractive, well-educated woman, is with him. “I rarely leave the house, and never without Clare. I sit on my own at home crying for hours,” he says. “Until I met Marty today, my wife was my only friend. I’m very lonely. I trust nobody. My paranoia about security has driven most of my wife’s friends away but, in my situation, I’ve every reason to be paranoid.”

When Gilmour fled Derry, he was given a new name, national insurance number and passport. He has lived in several parts of Britain under the same identity ever since. He says he suffers from post-traumatic stress disorder with flashbacks of his IRA days and nightmares about gunmen killing him. For 10 years, he saw an MI5 psychiatrist. “Six months ago MI5 said they weren’t funding the treatment anymore and if I needed counselling, I could pay for it myself.

“How on earth can I do that? I survive on £80 disability benefit a week. Without counselling, I feel like a pressure cooker waiting to explode. I used to have a special MI5 number to ring if I had a problem. Someone would be there 24/7 to help. That’s been pulled too. They tell me in security terms I’m now low-risk, which is bollocks. Was Dennis Donaldson low-risk?”

At his trial, Gilmour gave evidence against 31 Derry men and women. “Everybody thinks I got a huge payment afterwards. I received £600 a week for three years – that was it. They got me on the cheap. When I was working for Special Branch, they promised I’d be looked after for life. They said I was a real policeman, with a number in police headquarters, and I believed that. I deserve the same pension as a retired Special Branch officer so I can live the rest of my life above the breadline.”

MI5 bought Gilmour a house when he was first resettled. But, he claims, when his second marriage ended, his wife said if he didn’t give her the house, she’d expose his identity to the press “so I handed it over”. He had one son with her and another son from a 14-year relationship later. Gilmour wanted to move to the US or Australia but was told “they wouldn’t have me because I’d been in a paramilitary organisation.”

Gilmour and McGartland were both recruited aged 17, but they’re very different men. In a trendy brown leather jacket, crisp white shirt, jeans and sneakers, Gilmour looks handsome and distinguished. At first glance, he seems to bear no resemblance to the photographs of the young lad with the moustache who stood in court all those years ago. But look closely and the eyes and nose give him away. He’s reserved and softly spoken, with a mid-Atlantic accent.

‘Fifty Dead Men Walking’

McGartland (38) is working-class Belfast through and through. His appearance has changed considerably since he fled the North so he doesn’t want any description of him published for security reasons. He never shuts up. He’s like a market trader, ducking and diving, with an eye for a move. “Here!” he says, tossing a handful of bills at me from the hotel restaurant for which he’s paid. “Give these to your newspaper and claim a few quid for yourself!”

He’s tee-total. “When I was a police agent, drinking would have been too dangerous in case I said something to blow my cover. I’ve never needed alcohol to make me happy anyway.” McGartland lives at 100 miles an hour. As he talks, he’s sending emails on his laptop, thumping the keyboard with one finger – his hands were badly disfigured in the IRA shooting.

A film based on his autobiography, Fifty Dead Men Walking, premiered at the Toronto Film Festival last week. McGartland was unhappy with parts of the script and had been threatening to throw himself (wearing a baseball cap and scarf to hide his face) onto the red carpet on opening night. But discussions with the filmmakers secured him £20,000 and last-minute changes to the movie. He has photos on his laptop of Jim Sturgess, the lead actor. “Isn’t he handsome? And him playing me – the ugliest man you’ve ever met! Jim Sturgess could win an Oscar for this.”

When they first met, just before the Sunday Tribune arrived, Gilmour cried as he hugged McGartland. “I had to give him a hankie for god’s sake,” says McGartland. “I was surprised Ray looked so well. Hearing about his health problems, I expected him to come hobbling in with two walking sticks and a commode and here he is looking like a movie star!” Yet McGartland is concerned about Gilmour: “Ray could kill himself. He’s very near the edge and MI5 could push him over.”

Gilmour was born in the Creggan, the youngest of 11. He describes his father as “an armchair IRA supporter.” He was much closer to his mother whom, he says, was anti-IRA and “knew right from wrong”. He was 12 when a cousin was shot dead on Bloody Sunday. It had little impact on him. “I remember standing up in front of our old black-and-white TV when the BBC played ‘God Save the Queen’ at the end of broadcasting every night, and my father saying to me, ‘Sit down or we’ll get a brick through the window.’”

He became involved in petty crime. In 1978, he was convicted of robbery. In jail, he was beaten by IRA prisoners. “It pushed me in the direction of working for Special Branch,” he says. Under his handler’s instigation, he first joined the INLA before moving to the Provos. He earned £200 a week with bonuses for arrests or weapons found. “I remember getting £500 one time. I’d blow the money on drink, horses, and wild, wild women. I never saved a penny. Money was for spending. Every day could have been my last.”

Eventually, the IRA became suspicious of Gilmour. He was now married to Lorraine, who knew nothing of his secret life. They had two children. Gilmour suggested a holiday to the Butlins’ camp at Mosney. After leaving Derry, he pulled into a lay-by and told Lorraine he was working for the British. “I said she had two choices: to come with me to safety in a military barracks or to go home. She burst into tears. Eventually, she said she’d come with me but I saw the hatred in her eyes.”

‘I can still see their faces’

More than 100 people were arrested in Derry after Gilmour fled. “Detectives brought me to face them in their cells and accuse them one by one. I knew these guys. I liked many of them, it was just their antics I hated. I can still see their faces – the shock, the anger, the defiance. One said: ‘I knew all along you were a tout.’”

Gilmour suffered severe stress. The family were taken to a ski chalet in Cyprus’s Trodos mountains. He downed two packets of tranquilisers and a bottle of vodka. His stomach was pumped. They were moved to the Pissouri Beach Hotel but Lorraine made a reverse charge call home giving the name of the hotel. One night Gilmour noticed Arabs at the bar with a pale westerner: it was an IRA-PLO team there to kill him.

He remembers hearing his minders saying: “‘He’s not one of ours. He’s just another criminal who touted to save his hide and earn a few quid.’” Still, he refused Martin McGuinness’s promise that he’d be safe if he came home and retracted: “Franko Hegarty [an IRA informer] listened and he was shot dead.”

The Gilmours were moved to England but it was too much for Lorraine who decided to go home with the children. “I gave the kids their Easter eggs and then the police drove them to Newcastle airport. I remember them looking out the rear window at me as the car disappeared into the distance.” Years later, the police brought him documents to sign from Lorraine asking for their marriage to be annulled and the children’s names changed. “I agreed. The kids were told I was dead. I’ve had no contact with them. Raymond is 27 now and Denise is 26. They are always in my thoughts.”

Just before the trial opened, Gilmour’s father was abducted by the IRA in an attempt to pressurise him to retract his evidence. Gilmour says: “I was never going to do that. I didn’t believe they’d kill him, and there was talk that he might have been a willing hostage.” The trial was “one of the worst experiences of my life”. It was the last time he heard his mother’s voice.

‘God forgive you’

She stood up in the public gallery and said: “Raymond, Raymond, don’t you know your mother’s here? I can’t listen anymore to you saying those things about your friends. God forgive you.” Gilmour says: “It was heartbreaking but I don’t believe she meant those words. She said them out of fear for our family.” The judge threw out the case, calling Gilmour a liar. “A political decision,” he says.

Gilmour’s father died 10 years ago; his mother seven years ago. Police informed him of their deaths. “I heard my father wanted to see me before he died but MI5 said that would be too dangerous. I sent a wreath to the house when my mother died. ‘From your loving son’, I wrote. It probably went in the bin.” Gilmour wants to see his parents’ grave, even in a photograph. “I rang the parochial house in the Creggan the other day to ask if they could help. The priest gave me short shrift. ‘Ring my secretary,’ he said. He was probably afraid.”

Gilmour has no contact with anyone in Derry. He is desperate for information about his brothers and sisters. The Sunday Tribune tells Gilmour what his sister Dymphna said to one journalist about him: “I’m so ashamed of Raymond that I go by any other name but Gilmour. His claims he was a police agent are laughable – he was a tout. He should stay in his little hell-hole and leave us alone to live in peace.” Gilmour is shocked by what he hears but says: “I was close to Dymphna. I’ve still affection for my brothers and sisters. I understand why they had to detach themselves from me.”

Marty McGartland’s family haven’t disowned him. “If you think I’m mad, you should meet my mother,” he jokes. “She’s a wonderful woman. The IRA sent a mass card saying ‘the holy sacrifice of the mass will be offered for the repose of the soul of Marty McGartland’ but nothing could intimidate my ma.” When McGartland was shot, his mother, brother and sister travelled to his hospital bed. He’s in regular telephone contact with them.

McGartland was a petty criminal who bought and sold stolen goods – “my nickname was Arthur Daly” – when he was recruited by Special Branch in 1987. He hated the IRA for its ‘punishment’ attacks on his friends. Initially, he was just asked to watch republicans. Then, he was encouraged to join the IRA. He was living with his girlfriend Angie, who knew nothing of his double life, and their two young sons.

His first codename was “Bonzo” but he didn’t like that – “it sounded like a dog” – so he asked to be known as “Agent Carol”. “It was after a girl in Craigavon who I’d go down and visit when I fell out with Angie.” Some months he earned £3,000 from Special Branch. He saved the money, hiding it behind his mother’s bath panel: “I could have up to £20,000 there.” By 1992, the IRA was suspicious of McGartland. He was instructed to go to Connolly House, Sinn Féin’s Belfast headquarters.

From there, he was taken to a flat in Twinbrook by Paul ‘Chico’ Hamilton, Gerry Adams’s bodyguard, and Jim McCarthy, Adams’s driver. He was tied up. After seven hours he asked to go to the toilet. His hands were untied but his ankles remained bound: he hopped to the bathroom. He saw the bath full of cold water: he was to be submerged in it until he confessed. “I thought, ‘If I’m to die it’ll be on my terms.’ I jumped out the window and fell 40ft. I’d taken the glass with me but the cowardly Provo bastards didn’t even jump out the window after me. They ran down the stairs.”

‘I’d have killed him’

McGartland landed on the ground, a bloody mess but alive. His abductors fled. He was resettled in England under the name Martin Ashe. “I’ve always kept my first name. I would forget to answer to anything else and that would be suspicious. The surname was after Liz Ashe, a girl I once dated from the Shankill.”

The RUC gave McGartland a £50,000 house and £40,000 towards furniture and a car. In 1999, the IRA traced him to Whitley Bay, near Newcastle. He was shot seven times but managed to grab the gun when it was pointed at his head, turning it away: “Had I got it off the bastard, I’d have killed him and put the photos of him lying dead on the internet.”

McGartland has since moved and has been given a new identity. He has no mobile phone in case his number fell into the wrong hands. Mobile phone company records show the location where a phone is used. These details could end up with the IRA, he says.

McGartland believes he’s been treated shabbily by the state. His hand injuries from the shoot­ing mean he can’t cook, button clothes, or tie shoelaces. “My [English] girlfriend gave up her job as a hairdresser to look after me. We receive £15,000 in disability benefits a year paid through MI5. But now MI5 have told me to make a fresh claim through the Department of Work and Pensions.

“I can’t tell the department’s civilian staff the truth about my injuries because it would blow my cover. MI5 has said to say I’ve been in a car crash. It’s a bullshit story with no police or medical reports to back it up. I want the money to which I’m entitled to keep being paid through MI5.” McGartland says MI5 don’t like him: “They think I’m too big for my boots, too lippy. They expect to hear ‘yes sir, no sir, three bags full sir’. They don’t like being challenged.”

He says he suffers from post-traumatic stress disorder: “My neighbours in Whitley Bay must have thought I was a lunatic because I’d have nightmares and wake up to find myself pulling down the curtains and trying to get out the window.” But he’s not depressed: “The IRA shouldn’t think I’m about to jump under a bus.” He encourages Gilmour to adopt a more positive attitude. “Ray, you could talk a glass eye to sleep!” he says.

‘At least I was discreet’

Unlike Gilmour, he keeps up-to-date with all Northern news. “I laugh­ed when Gerry Adams’s old driver, Roy McShane, was outed as a Special Branch informer. Roy used to shout at my mother, ‘Your son’s a touting bastard!’” McGartland’s laptop screensaver is a photograph of Jim McCarthy, one of his kidnappers, at a friendly meeting with the PSNI after Sinn Féin endorsed policing: “At least I was discreet and met the peelers in private. The Shinners sit down and have tea and biscuits with them in public!” McGartland declares.

McGartland’s Belfast girlfriend Angie initially moved to England with him but, like Lorraine Gilmour, she missed home and moved back. He has no contact with his two sons who are now teenagers. “My fear is that they could become IRA supporters,” he says. He doesn’t want to contact them: “Better to let sleeping dogs lie.”

Both McGartland and Gilmour have secretly returned to the North. McGartland’s last trip was in November to the Irish leg of the world rally championship at Stormont. “I was right under the Shinners’ noses. I laughed when I saw Martin McGuinness’s photograph at it in the next day’s papers.”

Gilmour returned last year with Clare and his two stepsons: “MI5 told me not to but the PSNI said a day trip was okay if I didn’t go to Derry. They provided six plain-clothes officers to shadow us. We visited the Antrim coast. I went into the tourist shop at the Giants’ Causeway and bought a postcard of an Irishman with a shillelagh. ‘Having a nice time. Wish you were here,’ I wrote and posted it to MI5.”

‘I don’t blame the system’

Despite their criticisms of the system, Gilmour and McGartland still support it: “I don’t blame the system itself, just a few individuals working in it. I don’t know where MI5 gets its staff nowadays,” Gilmour says. McGartland gave a talk to British intelligence service personnel heading to Iraq to recruit informers there.

Gilmour speaks of “Londonderry”. Both men see themselves as British and vote Tory. When Princess Diana died, Gilmour went to mass to pray for her soul. He’s laid a wreath at the monument on the Mull of Kintyre for the senior MI5, police and British Army officers who died in the 1994 Chinook crash. Every November, he wears a poppy and even displays one in his car windscreen.

Both men say they don’t regret what they did. “I’m very, very proud I was an agent. Ray and I saved lives,” says McGartland. They talk of “the buzz and adrenalin rush” they got from their job. But Gilmour wishes he could sleep at night: “I’ve a legally held gun under my pillow. I still wake every two hours. I think I hear somebody creeping up the stairs.

“The other night I dreamt I went back to Derry and a huge crowd chased after me to kill me – not just IRA men but ordinary people too. Living a lie wrecks your life.

“When I die, I won’t even have my real name on my gravestone.”

Viable devices found in Armagh, Belfast

Irish Times
14 Sept 2008

British army bomb disposal experts have found two viable devices in separate parts of Northern Ireland in the last 24 hours, it was confirmed tonight.

A bomb was discovered in a hedge near Jonesboro, Co Armagh, while a device was also discovered in north Belfast.

The Armagh security alert which began yesterday is still in place and the Finnegans Road and Molly Road have been cordoned off while the device is removed.

Police in Belfast have urged the public to be vigilant and report any suspicious finds after a device found in the north of the city was also described as a viable device.

A security alert began in the Silverstream Road area, Belfast, yesterday morning after a suspicious object was found outside a house.

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