SAOIRSE32

Belfast Telegraph
Saturday, 15 November 2008

Loyalist killer Michael Stone shouted as he was led from the dock yesterday after being found guilty of attempting to kill Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness.

As he was taken down to the cells he denounced the judge’s ruling as a sop to republicanism.

“It’s another concession to the Shinners (Sinn Fein),” he snarled.

The outburst came after the 53-year-old was convicted of trying to murder the senior republicans when he launched a bizarre one-man assault on Parliament Buildings armed with explosives, knives, an axe and garrotte.

The former UDA member, who gained notoriety in 1988 when he killed three mourners at an IRA funeral in west Belfast, claimed his actions at Stormont in November 2006 were all part of an elaborate performance art display. Delivering his judgment in the non-jury trial at Belfast Crown Court, Mr Justice Deeney rejected this theory as being “wholly undeserved of belief”.

The judge said the idea that Stone was taking part in some sort of a “comic parody” was “hopelessly unconvincing” and “self-contradictory”.

“I am satisfied that Mr Stone went to Stormont to try and murder the two Sinn Fein leaders on November 24 2006,” he said.

Television cameras in situ to cover political developments in the stalling Northern Ireland peace process captured the moment Stone burst through the revolving doors and was hauled to the ground by two security guards — both of whom were later honoured for their bravery.

As well as the two attempted murder charges, he was convicted on seven other counts, including possession of nail bombs, three knives, a garrotte and axe, as well as causing criminal damage to the Stormont building.

Dressed in trademark denim jeans and jacket, but now shorn of the long hair he sported during the Troubles, the father of nine cut a pathetic figure as Mr Deeney read through his two-and-a-half hour judgment.

Now crippled by arthritis, the one-time loyalist icon had to be helped from the dock when the verdict was finally delivered.

And there was only a handful of people in the large public gallery to hear his parting rant as he was taking away.

Stone, who was released from prison on licence under the terms of the 1998 Good Friday Peace Agreement, will be sentenced on December 1.

During the four-and-a-half-week trial, his defence lawyers had argued that the weapons he had armed himself with were merely “props”. They claimed letters he had posted to two journalists on the morning of the attack outlining his intention to kill the senior republicans were also part of his “script”.

The piece of interpretative theatre was designed to expose the hypocrisy of local politicians, the multiple killer had claimed.

But Crown prosecutors dismissed these theories as nonsense, accusing Stone of dreaming them up after the event in a bid to explain away murderous intentions.

The judge concurred and said the defence had failed to put any doubt in his mind that Stone had set out to kill the republicans.

He asked if it was only supposed to be some form of act then why had Stone admitted his desire to kill the men during police interview after his arrest.

“If this had really been a mere protest, that was the time to tell the police,” he said.

Instead, the court heard that during interview Stone told police: “I went to the Parliament Buildings today specifically to assassinate Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness and to disrupt an event that was betraying us.”

He branded the Sinn Fein leaders war criminals.

“I would have got in and stabbed Adams and McGuinness, cut their throats,” he told officers. I am not ashamed of where I went today. I was willing to give my life for my beliefs if I had to and take life, that is why I was there.”

The judge added that even if Stone was acting, that was no justification for criminal behaviour.

“It is clear to me that a claim that some actions constitute performance art cannot justify the use of violence, the threat of violence or putting others at risk of violence,” he said.

“A desire to shock in the sense of surprise should never prompt that fear. It might be thought that it was antithetical to the very nature of art, however, defined.”

Judge Deeney said he was satisfied with the evidence of explosives experts that nail bombs and incendiary devices carried by Stone were viable.

The event happened four months before the historic power-sharing deal between Sinn Fein and the DUP, on the day Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness were due to be nominated as Northern Ireland’s new First and Deputy First Ministers.

Stone had applied make-up and trimmed his moustache because he thought he would look better if his attack was on camera.

The killer, who on release from jail eight years ago tried to reinvent himself as an artist, then sprayed red paint on the pillars of Parliament Buildings but was disturbed by a security guard and pointed a replica gun at him.

The man described zigzagging away from him and raising the alarm. The loyalist then attempted to force his way through the revolving doors, but was trapped by security guard Sue Porter.

She wrestled the replica gun from him, but he was able to light a fuse on one of the bags he was carrying and throw it into the hall, warning that it would explode in five minutes.

While guilty of a total of nine counts, Stone was acquitted of one charge of possession of explosives with intent to endanger life and another of assault causing actual bodily harm.

News Letter
14 November 2008

FURY erupted last night after it emerged that the special unit set up to investigate unsolved Troubles murders may have to lay off staff because of a budget shortfall of just £1.5 million.

FURY erupted last night after it emerged that the special unit set up to investigate unsolved Troubles murders may have to lay off staff because of a budget shortfall of just £1.5 million.

Politicians across the board as well as victims’ groups were outraged that the team may have to curtail its work.

The Historical Enquiries Team is looking into around 3,000 cases, but vital staff may be stood down until it receives more money in April.

After taking on additional work, the NIO gave the HET an extra £2.2 million in August but has now told the organisation that it will no longer be able to have it, citing its own financial pressures.

Furious DUP Junior Minister Jeffrey Donaldson said the situation was scandalous and showed there was a hierarchy of victims.

He laid the blame for the problem squarely at the door of the NIO.

The DUP MP said: “The reality is that the Government has funded the Saville Inquiry to the tune of almost £200 million in a case where there are 13 victims, but then we have somewhere in the region of 3,000 unsolved murders and the Government can’t find an extra £1.5 million to help the HET fund that work.

“It seems that if you are the relatives of a police officer or soldier or innocent civilian, then you are treated as second class.

“If there is an allegation against the State then it seems there is a bottomless bucket to fund those enquiries, but nothing for other victims.

“The families of those victims would be entitled to ask the Government ‘how can you find £200 million for one inquiry into a dozen deaths and you can’t find £1.5 million to help the HET investigate thousands of unsolved murders.

“Why is there a hierarchy here where some victims are treated differently from others?’”

SDLP justice spokesman Alex Attwood said the news raised questions about the Government’s commitment to dealing with the past.

He said: “This is a disturbing and damaging revelation.

“Coming in the weeks before Eames/Bradley publish their report, this news is hard to fathom and explain.

“Eames/Bradley will need to have at its heart disclosure about the past by the illegal terror groups, the police, the Army and the security services.

“Yet, at the same time, the NIO does not fund the HET to continue its work and fulfil its obligations on disclosure.

“This is inconsistent. This will cause real anxiety among the many families, from all backgrounds, that have gone to the HET to address issues from the past.”

The Commission for Victims and Survivors said it is also extremely concerned at the shortfall.

Commissioner Patricia MacBride said: “We are primarily concerned that this will create a situation where victims and survivors who have engaged in this process in good faith will now be left in limbo, not knowing the status of investigations and that this will potentially re-traumatise families who have already suffered terrible loss.

“That is a cost that is incalculable, with the possibility of creating a further strain on the health budget.

“It also raises concern about the credibility of any future investigative processes and whether they will be sustained by Government,” she said.

A statement released by the NIO last night said: “Any extra resources sought by the PSNI for the work of the HET in this financial year have to be judged against the overall challenging financial position.

“Funding issues are currently subject to ongoing discussions involving the PSNI, the Policing Board and the NIO.

“These are taking place in the context of the need for everyone to make decisions on spending priorities within the current economic climate and within the very significant public resources, well in excess of £1.1 billion in this financial year, allocated to the PSNI.”

A spokeswoman for the HET said: “In the current environment HET is, like other agencies, facing serious financial pressures.

“We’re in discussion with the relevant authorities to work our way through these difficult issues and remain committed to doing our best for the families who are engage with the HET.”

Independent.ie
Friday November 14 2008

In Belfast, lawyers for the British State have asked the Appeal Court not to reveal the reasons why a former leading Sinn Fein member’s conviction was overturned.

A crown lawyer said the reasons why the convictions of Danny Morrison and seven others were overturned should remain secret in the interests of justice and national security.

Mr Morrison and seven co-defendants had been convicted in 1982 of falsely imprisoning an IRA informer.

Mr Morrison always maintained he had been requested only to prepare the informer to admit his role at a Sinn Fein press conference.

The eight defendants were convicted and served over five years in jail.

Last month, those convictions were all overturned, with the Appeal Court saying it saw no reason for secrecy.

Today, however, the crown said not only should those reasons remain confidential, but the reasons why should also, excluding even the defendant’s legal team, which says this will be strenuously challenged if the Appeal Court upholds it.

Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, Ireland
Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757;
e-mail: saoirse@iol.ie
Date: 14 Samhain / November 2008

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In this issue:

1. Republican Sinn Féin Ard-Fheis held in Dublin
2. RSF protest in Lurgan at British Policing Board meeting
3. Provo defence of Free State army condemned
4. Apology over £5m for loyalist-link firm
5. SDLP Mayor holds reception in Derry for British troops
6. McGuinness sends condolences to Hermon family
7. Be ‘ready for battle’ – UDA/UFF
8. Security stepped up at GAA clubs

1. REPUBLICAN SINN FÉIN ARD-FHEIS HELD IN DUBLIN

THE 104th Sinn Féin Ard-Fheis was held in Dublin on the weekend of November 8 and 9. There was a large and enthusiastic attendance which included visitors from Austria, Germany and Corsica.

Political policy was debated on Saturday and resolutions “reasserting our determination as defined in ÉIRE NUA and SAOL NUA to establish a Worker’s Democracy in Ireland, free of foreign control” (Ard Chomhairle and Comhairle Laighean) and calling for a “total British disengagement from Ireland, the release of allpolitical prisoners and the future of Ireland to be decided by the people of Ireland acting as a unit – 32 Counties” (Joe Conway Cumann, Newry) were passed unanimously.

A motion from Kerry Comhairle Ceantair and the John Mitchell Cumann, Co Derry reaffirming our support for and recognising “the authority of the All-Ireland Republic proclaimed in 1916, established in 1919, defended in arms 1919-21, sold out by traitors in 1921-22 and suppressed brutally to this day” as well as condemning the ongoing British occupation of our country was also passed unanimously as were motions “commending the Continuity leadership of the Republican Movement and the Ard Chomhairle and Officer Board of Sinn Féin Poblachtach past and present for their principled leadership in defence of the All-Ireland Republic, especially since 1986 (from Cumann Séamus Ó Dálaigh and the Seán Costello/Martin Hurson, both Co Westmeath and the Bobby Sands/Liam Lynch Cumann, Co Kilkenny, also supported by the Frank Driver Cumann, North Kildare).

Motions calling for a British withdrawal from Ireland and pledging unremitting hostility against the British forces of occupation in Ireland and calling for British withdrawal were passed. A motion asking the Ard-Fheis to “reaffirm its belief that only unity based on the principles of the 1916 Proclamation can build a cohesive and coherent Republican Movement capable of ending British rule in Ireland” (Kilcullen Cumann, Co Kildare) was passed and a motion reiterating our opposition to political broad fronts from Kerry Comhairle Ceantair received overwhelming support.

The Ard-Fheis pledged to actively challenge the Provisionals to drop “the historic name Sinn Féin” and called on the media to stop calling the Provos by that name (Joe Conway Cumann, Newry and the Rafter/Mellows Cumann, Enniscorthy).

Motions rejecting the RUC/PSNI and those who collaborate with them in the District Policing Partnerships were passed as were resolutions condemning the harassment of Republicans, north and south of Britain’s Border. Delegates were strongly opposed to the open recruiting by the British Crown Forces throughout Ireland and to the flying of the Butcher’s Apron (the Union Flag) and called for a greater effort to remove all symbols of former British occupation in the 26 Counties.

The Ard-Fheis unanimously supported a motion calling on all areas to prepare for active involvement in the 2009 26-County local elections, “making an all-out effort” but rejected a motion calling on RSF not to participate in Stormont elections as long as our name did not appear on the ballot paper. It was pointed out that this would tie the Ard Chomhairle’s hands as it might be thought advisable in the future to participate on an abstentionist basis.

The Ard-Fheis also vowed to oppose any rerunning of the Lisbon Treaty referendum.

Resolutions supporting the Republican prisoners in Maghaberry and Portlaoise and advocating more effort on their behalf were supported by many Cumainn and passed unanimously.

On Sunday afternoon, the Constitution & Rule sections debated several important motions. A change to rule 42, re the naming of Cumainn was proposed by the Ard Chomhairle and many other branches of the organisations, following recent problems in the Tyrone area in this regard. Rule 42 read: “No Cumann shall be named after any living person.” The change added: (b) Cumainn shall be named solely after persons who have been faithful to the All-Ireland Republic until death.” An amendment from Limerick Comhairle Ceantair proposed that if passed this change should not be retrospective.

A long and passionate debate ensued during which it was pointed out that the Constitution should be taken as a whole, not in sections. An tUachtarán, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh said that the Constitution stated that the Organisation was based on the fundamental principles, that the allegiance of Irishmen and Irishwomen was due to the sovereign Irish Republic proclaimed in 1916 and established by the First Dáil Éireann on 21 January, 1919 and that the sovereignty and unity of the Republic was inalienable and non-judicable. He said that these principles were embodied in the Membership Pledge. He said if we pledge our allegiance to the All-Ireland Republic how could we name Cumainn after people who, with all due respect to them, allowed themselves to be used as cover from 1986 onwards to subvert a large section of the Republican Movement into a constitutional political party.

In a moving and powerful contribution, John Joe McCusker, Fermanagh Ard Chomhairle delegate pointed out that we honour and respect the ten H-Block hunger strikers but do not name Cumainn after the three INLA members whose sacrifice was as great as that of the IRA prisoners. While we show respect to people like the Loughgall Martyrs who were murdered by the British we cannot call our Cumainn after them as they were members of an organisation which had accepted the partitionist assembly at Leinster House. Many other contributions were made to the debate. The amendment was very heavily defeated and the motion was passed overwhelmingly.
Motion 40, which “instructs all new Cumainn to submit the name of the said Cumann to be approved by the Ard Chomhairle whose decision will be final, this to be added to Rule 42” was also passed.

Resolutions on Social & Economic, Activities & Organisation, Education, Culture & Publicity and International Affairs were debated by the Ard-Fheis and a full report will be carried in the December edition of SAOIRSE.

On Saturday night a most enjoyable social evening took place and delegates enjoyed the opportunity to meet each other and catch up with old friends.

2. RSF PROTEST IN LURGAN AT BRITISH POLICING BOARD MEETING

OVER 40 members and supporters of the Thomas Harte Cumann of Republican Sinn Féin mounted a picket at the British District Policing Partnership, Mount Zion House, Lurgan, Co Armagh on November 6.

The protesters gathered on the steps of Mount Zion as those attending the meeting entered the building. They held placards and banners opposing British rule in Ireland and proclaiming support for Republican prisoners.

The meeting was opened by chairperson Samuel Gardiner, who invited District Commander, RUC/PSNI Chief Inspector Jason Murphy to present his six-month report.

Shortly after the presentation began the protesters entered the meeting room and a spokesperson for the group declared the protesters would hold a peaceful demonstration. He said: “The RUC/PSNI is an illegal police force and we will not recognise it, we will only recognise a police force that serves the 32 counties of Ireland.”

The protesters then began chanting Republican slogans. The RUC/PSNI chief inspector was urged by the chairperson to continue his presentation but he was drowned out by the protesters.

The protesters continued to heckle the RUC/PSNI as he presented his report before they left the room. As the protesters left one of the group called some of those attending the meeting “traitors”. The protest lasted for just over five minutes.

3. PROVO DEFENCE OF FREE STATE ARMY CONDEMNED

THE decision by the Provos in Donegal to campaign on behalf of Free State soldiers shows how far they have travelled down the road of constitutionalism and reformism, Director of Publicity of Republican Sinn Féin, Richard Walsh, said on November 7.

He said: “They held a meeting in Letterkenny last week to oppose the closure of Free State Army barracks in the county. How long now before they oppose the closure of British Army barracks in the Six Occupied Counties? The record of Free State Forces, when dealing with Republicans, is no better than that of the Crown Forces. Even today they continue to provide escorts for those appearing before the Special non-jury Court in Dublin’s Green Street.

“The Provos claim that they are speaking out for those unable to speak for themselves, but in reality they are merely showing how opportunistic and unprincipled they are.”

4. APOLOGY OVER £5M FOR LOYALIST-LINK FIRM

RUC/PSNI Chief Constable Sir Hugh Orde was forced to publicly apologise on November 8 after admitting that the British colonial police had failed to disclose that a building firm with links to an alleged UVF leader was paid almost £5 million by the RUC/PSNI.

Sir Hugh confirmed to the British Policing Board that the force had provided incorrect figures when asked to detail how much money had been paid out for work by two building firms, including one owned by Richard Jameson.

In January 2000, the alleged mid-Ulster UVF leader was shot dead by the LVF near his home in Portadown. The murder sparked a bitter loyalist feud that claimed the lives of Protestant teenagers David McIlwaine and Andrew Robb less than a month later.

It later emerged that Jameson’s building company had been awarded a series of contracts to work on RUC/PSNI barracks, prisons and British army bases. Concern was also expressed over claims that the firm received the lucrative contracts despite twice failing police vetting procedures.

In September 2007 the RUC/PSNI said they had paid £320,000 to two Co Armagh building firms for work carried out on various RUC/PSNI barracks over a six-year period.

Jameson’s still hold contracts with the PSNI and every other govt agency. They work for the Departments of Education and Agriculture despite Provo Stormont ministers. Workers with loyalist tattoos have been sent to work in Catholic schools.

5. SDLP MAYOR HOLDS RECEPTION IN DERRY FOR BRITISH TROOPS

SDLP Mayor of Derry Gerard Diver held a reception for members of the British Crown Forces recently returned from Afghanistan and Iraq. Members of the Territorial Army and Royal Irish Regiment attended the reception in the Mayor’s parlour in the Guildhall on November 7.

6. MCGUINNESS SENDS CONDOLENCES TO HERMON FAMILY

PROVO deputy first minister Martin McGuinness sent condolences to the family of former RUC chief constable John Hermon who died on November 7. John Hermon led the RUC from 1980 to 1989 during some of the worst shoot-to-kill incidents associated with the RUC.

7. BE ‘READY FOR BATTLE’ – UDA/UFF

A STATEMENT from the loyalist death squad the UDA/UFF told loyalists on Novemver 11 to be “ready for battle” and accused Republicans of racism, ignorance and bigotry.

The Ulster Political Research Group’s Frankie Gallagher said the statement referred to a “new battlefield”.

“To do battle in terms of social economy, in terms of bringing jobs into Protestant communities, in terms of unionist unity,” he said.

Mr Gallagher said while the language of the UDA statement was “pretty harsh, I can tell you if that had been 10 or 15 years ago that would have been a lot harsher”.

8. Bottom of Form
SECURITY STEPPED UP AT GAA CLUBS

GAELIC football clubs in rural parts of Co Tyrone are to step up their own security by calling on volunteers to guard the buildings in the wake of the arson attacks.

Some are considering devising rotas for members to keep watch on vulnerable property after GAA clubs located 10 miles apart were targeted.

Clubhouses at Cookstown and Edendork were attacked within 24 hours and others say they are worried they may be next.

Chairman of nearby Rock GAC club John Ward said all clubs in the area will be reviewing their security.

“It was Cookstown last night. It could be us tomorrow night for all we know,” he said.

“We have security cameras but we’ll be looking at getting volunteers to keep a watch at the club and I’d imagine all clubs will be looking at that now.”

Damien McConville, secretary of Stewartstown GFC, said they had already asked members for increased vigilance in light of the attack in Edendork on Saturday.

“As soon as Edendork was attacked, that afternoon we had asked any members living nearby to keep a watch on the clubhouse,” he said. “We will probably start a rota now that the two clubs have been attacked.”

Gerard McSloy, secretary of the latest club to be attacked, said the youngest members of Fr Rocks GAC would be the most affected.

“The store room is absolutely gutted and this would contain footballs and kit bags for the underage teams and everything that we use for training,” he said.

“We’ll have to move our underage programme to another sports ground until we can get this sorted.”

He said the club had taken security measures prior to the attack.

“The clubhouse would have been a very secure unit,” he said.

“Every window and every door has steel grilles and they had to remove the grille off a fire exit in order to get in.

“It shows how determined they were.”

A fire also destroyed a GAA clubhouse at St Malachy’s GAC, Edendork, outside Dungannon, Co Tyrone on November 8.

Club chairman Peter O’Connor said everyone was in shock but that the club hoped to start rebuilding as soon as possible .

“The building has been completely destroyed. When I got there at 6am the whole place was on fire. The roof was off and the first floor had completely collapsed in,” he said.

Six fire crews battled the blaze for four hours but were unable to enter the building because it was unsafe. The walls of the clubhouse have been judged unsafe and the building will have to be demolished.

“The fire was a huge disruption for us. There are walls that are dangerous and need to be made safe. We hope to pull those down tomorrow,” Peter O’Connor said.

“We will have a meeting this week to get a plan together to start the rebuild. It’s our intention to get the clubhouse rebuilt by early next year so that we have it in time for the next league,” he said.

Despite the clubroom still smouldering in the background, a relegation play-off match between Edendork and Pomeroy went ahead on Saturday. The team pulled together and managed to win the game by six points.
A caller claiming to represent the Orange Volunteers contacted the UTV newsroom on November 8 and said the organisation was responsible for the blaze.

The group emerged during the 1998 Drumcree dispute from fundamentalist loyalists, but are not believed to have been active for several years.

ENDS

:::u.tv:::
Via Newshound
13 Nov 2008

Raymond McCord, whose son was murdered by the UVF just over ten years ago, has been speaking out after receiving his fifth death threat from loyalist paramilitaries in six weeks.

Mr McCord was informed by police of this latest threat on Wednesday night.

His son Raymond Jnr was beaten to death by the loyalist paramilitary group in November 1997.

After tireless probes by Mr McCord, a report by the Police Ombudsman early last year concluded that the police protected the murder gang from prosecution because its leader was an informer.

Mr McCord says he won`t be silenced: “ As the police advised me several weeks ago these people won’t stop until they kill me, simply for telling the truth about them. They’re not going to keep me quiet. I’m going to get justice for young Raymond.”

BBC

Loyalist killer Michael Stone has been found guilty of trying to murder Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams at Stormont in November 2006.

He was also convicted of seven other charges, including possession of weapons and explosive devices.

Stone had denied the charges, claiming the incident was performance art. However, a judge at Belfast Crown Court said this was “wholly unconvincing”.

The convicted murderer will be sentenced at a later date.

Stone had attempted to enter Stormont on the day Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness were due to be nominated as Northern Ireland’s new first and deputy first ministers.

The trial heard he pointed an imitation gun at a female security guard, ignited an improvised explosive device in a flight bag and threw it some yards from him.

The bag contained explosive fireworks, flammable liquids, a butane gas canister and fuses. It failed to explode.

He was found to have seven nail bombs which the court heard were capable of causing death or serious injury to anyone in their proximity.

Stone also had three knives, a hatchet and a garrotte.

MICHAEL STONE TRIAL
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Mr Justice Deeny said Stone had been “a wholly unreliable and unconvincing witness whose testimony… is wholly undeserving of belief”.

He concluded Stone had not merely prepared the explosive devices and gone to Stormont estate, but had “stepped over a line by entering the building and igniting the bag which was a necessary part of his plan to kill the Sinn Fein leaders”.

He had therefore gone beyond acts that were merely preparatory.

The judge also noted Stone had repeatedly told police when arrested that his intention was to kill Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, including that he would have slit their throats if he had got close enough.

The defendant had also written letters to two journalists, which he posted on his way to Stormont, saying this was his intention.

In 2000, Stone was released early from a life sentence under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.

He had been jailed for a 1988 gun and grenade attack on the republican funeral at Milltown Cemetery of three IRA members shot dead by the SAS in Gibraltar.

Three men were killed in that attack and Stone also admitted three other murders.

By Mark Simpson
BBC

Michael Stone, convicted of trying to kill Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams, is a multiple killer with a penchant for publicity and an addiction to violence.

It is no coincidence that his two attempts to kill the Sinn Fein leadership were both played out in front of TV cameras.

Stone claimed that his attack on Stormont had been “performance art”

He was nicknamed the “television terrorist”.

In his own mind, he was the real-life hero of violent loyalism and he loved to be filmed in action.

Yet he has come to be regarded with widespread abhorrence, even among many fellow loyalists.

One former paramilitary said: “He didn’t just want murder to be done, he wanted it to be seen to be done. He wanted to be seen as Rambo but he ended up looking like the village idiot.”

Small audience

The pictures in 2006 of his botched attempt at storming Stormont and trying to kill Sinn Fein’s Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness were broadcast around the world.

However, when it came to his trial at Belfast Crown Court two years later, most people had lost interest.

Stone, pictured in 1999 on Christmas release from jail, revelled in notoriety

Even when Stone gave evidence, the public gallery was not even half-full. Indeed, it would have been almost empty if a school party had not been dragged in on work experience.

What they saw was Stone hobble into the dock on a walking stick, suffering from arthritis. Far from being a muscle-bound Rambo figure, the court was told he was likely to be in a wheelchair within six years.

What may have hurt Stone even more was to look round the courtroom and see such a small audience.

He gave his full name - Michael Anthony Stone, and his age, 53.

He admitted being a loyalist paramilitary from the age of 16 and later being sent to Long Kesh prison, which he described as the “university of terror”.

The court was told details of his life as a paramilitary, and how he had killed three mourners at an IRA funeral at Milltown Cemetery in 1988, when his real targets had been Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness.

‘Unfinished business’

Stone told the court that he had nine children - and a number of grandchildren - and he wanted the next generation to turn away from violence rather than copy his violent ways.

So why did he go to Stormont in November 2006 with three knives in a bid to slit the throats of of two Sinn Fein politicians?

Stone posed with fellow loyalists after leaving prison in 2000

He wanted to be a “comic parody” of himself, he said. And his aim had not been to kill anyone, but to give a display of “performance art”.

The knives, he argued, were not instruments of death, but “hand-painted props”.

The proscecution lawyers could barely keep their faces straight. They insisted that Stone’s infamous visit to Stormont on 24 November 2006 was a murder mission, driven by “unfinished business”, namely the killing of Mr Adams and Mr McGuinness.

In the end, the judge in this non-jury case agreed.

It means Stone is returning to the place he knows best - jail. A large part of his adult life has been spent there, and he may struggle to ever get out.

The only reason he was freed after the Milltown murders was the early-release scheme which was part of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.

‘I’ve met plenty of kids who think I’m some kind of hero. I’m like Rambo to them.’
Michael Stone

Stone claimed he supported the political deal, and when he appeared at a loyalist rally to support the Agreement, a huge blue banner appeared with the words ‘Michael Stone says Yes’.

Yet ultimately, Michael Stone could not cope with the peace process. He enjoyed the notoriety of his previous life too much.

In a magazine interview in 2003, he boasted: “I’ve had songs and poems written about me. And I’ve met plenty of kids who think I’m some kind of hero. I’m like Rambo to them.”

He enjoyed the limelight, and three years later he tried to enter it again.

He was stopped at the front door of Stormont by two members of the security staff, Peter Lachanudis and Susan Porter. They grabbed him, pinned his hands behind his back and took his weapons.

They were the real heroes.