SAOIRSE32

30/12/2008

Hunger striker’s father laid to rest

Belfast Media
29 Dec 2008

The father of hunger striker Joe McDonnell was buried on Christmas Eve following a service at St Teresa’s Church on the Glen Road.

Father-of-nine Robbie McDonnell was later laid to rest at Milltown Cemetery.

The popular West Belfast man died in hospital on December 22, surrounded by his family.

Hunger striker Joe McDonnell, Robbie’s son, who died in 1981

His IRA volunteer son Joe died in July 1981 after 61 days on hunger strike. He had been arrested alongside Bobby Sands and had been serving a 14-year prison sentence at the time of his death.

Prominent republicans were among the large crowd of mourners at Robbie McDonnell’s funeral last Wednesday.

Sinn Féin MLA Paul Maskey paid tribute to the respected West Belfast man.

He said: “Robbie was the father of a hunger striker and a well known character throughout West Belfast.

“He will be sorely missed, and that showed by the large number of people at his funeral.”

When the British queen came to Belfast

belfastmedia.com

A LOCAL woman has given us some historic photos, which show West Belfast’s response to the British queen’s Silver Jubilee in 1977.


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While many people’s protests against the event were limited to buying the Sex Pistols single ‘God Save the Queen’, much of West Belfast took to the streets to voice their objections to the queen’s involvement in Ireland, during her visit here.

Geraldine Crawford, who supplied the fascinating pictures, said they were taken as a protest march against the Jubilee made its way through West Belfast towards the city centre.

“The first photo [posted above] shows the front of the march just before it passed the Busy Bee in Andersonstown. You can see all the men are wearing big platform shoes – they kept getting arrested because they couldn’t run when they were wearing them!

“The second one is of a British military ambulance being hit with a paint-bomb. It was the people of the Whiterock and St James’ way of telling them what we thought of their Jubilee,” said Geraldine.

The third photo shows the same ambulance beating a hasty retreat a short time later.

The photos are part of a private collection belonging to Geraldine’s brother David, a keen amateur photographer.

Geraldine and her friend, Breige Brownlee, recently released a calendar featuring some of Gerard’s dramatic, previously unseen photos of West Belfast in 1969 to raise money for a local charity.

Each photo was carefully chosen for its historical significance, and the calendar provides a series of fascinating snapshots of everyday life in West Belfast in the early days of the troubles.

Breige said they are selling fast, and will make a fantastic present for anyone with an interest in local history.

The Lenadoon Living History Project is currently compiling a book on the history of the troubles, and have appealed for anyone who is interested in contributing photos to contact Geraldine or Breige on 90315777.

The calendars are available for £5 from the West Belfast Taxi Association depot in King Street or the Sinn Féin Arts Shop on the Falls Road.

Alternatively if you have photos or a story relating to the conflict in West Belfast phone Joe on 90608812.

Loud and proud - Belfast ‘78

BBC
30 December 2008

Belfast in 1978, the army was on the streets and the bombers ruled the night, but, writes legendary punk promoter Terri Hooley, in the darkness a few chords were providing a glimmer of light.

From the start of the Troubles until 1977, as far as Belfast was concerned, the music scene was as dead as a dodo.


The only people on the streets were the security forces after dark

There was just nothing original happening here - until punk rock changed music in Northern Ireland forever.

Was it Kurt Cobain of Nirvana who said, “If there was any place that needed punk rock it was Belfast?”

Well, in 1978 it did not matter if your hair was orange or green or pink, it did not matter if you were from Mars as long as you were a punk.

Punk started off with just a few people the year before. But by 1978 they were many and they were mighty and, like James Brown, they were “loud and proud”.


Punk began in the late ’70s and was to have a major impact on the Belfast music scene

The army would stop and search them and found out that they were all mates from places like the Falls and the Shankill roads, one of them said they should set up their own political party.

Before 1978 punk bands were playing bad venues on the outskirts of Belfast where evil men collected money for organisations.

In May 1978 we held our first major punk concert by local bands.

The next day The Undertones went into the studio and recorded Teenage Kicks, which later turned out to be John Peel’s favourite record.

Where punk in London seem to be a fashionable thing for about nine months, in Belfast it was like the second coming - and the music was telling us that there was no going back.

Ring of steel

Our heroes were three chord wonders and while the IRA and the UDA were keeping us ghettoised, it was a political statement to go down to the Harp Bar just to pogo and hear some great music.

Belfast was the only city in Europe where people didn’t use their city centre at night.

There was a ring of steel around the city centre, it meant that the only people you saw at night in the city centre were the police, the army and punks.

It was the punks that opened up Belfast nightlife.


The UDA and IRA waged war on the streets of Belfast

Not that all the punks here were working-class, far from it, many were middle-class.

Belfast might have been a cultural and urban wasteland where you had the three-minute argument or the 300-year-old argument about the Troubles.

As far as we were concerned we seemed to be getting shot by both sides.

The next year we became part of Thatcher’s Britain. The Sex Pistols had got it right - No Future.

When I grew up in the ’60s there were hundreds of bands and 80 clubs in and around Belfast where they could play.

Van Morrison and Them were on Ready Steady Go and Top Of The Pops.

The ’60s for me was like a great big party which I thought would never end - but by November of 1968 l knew it was over.

I was secretary of The Belfast Blues Society and along with Dougie Knight we put on a concert by an American blues artist called Juke Boy Bonner.

That Friday night, because of rioting, all the bars in Belfast city centre closed at teatime - the only place you could get a drink was at our concert in the War Memorial Building in Waring Street.

It would be 10 years before I ran a concert again.

Rock

In 1968 revolution was in the air but in Northern Ireland it was not my revolution.

My revolution was never about killing my brothers and sisters because of an accident of birth or religion.

In the early ’70s l was involved in The Music For Belfast Campaign begging English bands and artists not to leave Belfast off their tours.

By 1978 we had put Belfast back on the music map again and artists wanted to come here and play.

As l write, Leona Lewis is riding high in the charts with Run - a song written by Gary Lightbody of Snow Patrol.

And if you were to ask any Ulster bands like Ash, Therapy or Snow Patrol what was the year that influenced them most, l bet it would be 1978.

Because it was 1978 when young people in the north heard their own bands on national radio and the BBC World Radio for the time in 30 years.

No wonder John Peel of Radio One was taken by the sounds of Northern Ireland.

He was not the first person to see the connection of the music that was coming out of Jamaica and what was happening here.


John Peel became a champion of The Undertones

After all, 20% of his mail came from Ulster at the time. Who really wanted to go out at night and get shot, it was better to stay at home and listen to the radio.

How many of us who would turn on the local news on the hour in ‘78, could be bothered nowadays?

The first singles by Stiff Little Fingers and The Undertones got into the charts and stayed there for weeks. You also had other records by Protex, Rudi, The Outcasts, The Starjets and many others.

It was the first time since the ’60s it was cool to come from Belfast, and you didn’t have to write songs about the Troubles.

I was a 30-year-old hippy celebrating my birthday in the Harp Bar and reliving my youth.

And also celebrating that for the first time in years that some of the youth in this country were starting to think for themselves.

How many of those young fresh face kids went on to be editors of newspapers and producers in the BBC?

How many have gone into social work, the media and the arts and helped change our society for the better?

Many of those kids who came for the bands said if they had not got involved in punk they would have got involved in paramilitaries and ended up killing people.

Good Vibrations was more than just another record shop and label. It enabled young people to believe in the power of self-expression and understanding at a time when society in Northern Ireland was tearing itself apart.

We were on the side of the angels.

I would gladly have died then for something that l believed then, so for me personally (and l can’t speak for anybody else) it really was a time to be proud.

But if l had known in 1978 that Belfast was going to become so corporate and the way things were going to turn out, l would have been fighting for a wage-less, money-less, class-less society.

Belfast is not about new shopping centres.

Belfast is the centre of the universe and if we can solve all our problems, we can solve the problems of the world.

Britain rejected secret IRA peace talks offer, 1978 archives reveal

JOHN BEW and DEAGLAN de BREADUN
Irish Times
Tuesday, December 30, 2008

THE PROVISIONAL IRA sent a message to the British government in 1978 that it was willing to enter talks on ending its campaign, according to a sensitive document released at the UK National Archives in London.

Files from the office of British prime minister James Callaghan describe an IRA message, “to the effect that it was time to talk and end the present violence”.

The message is referred to in a letter to Northern Ireland secretary Roy Mason from Sir Brian Cubbon, permanent under-secretary at the Northern Ireland Office, who was a survivor of the IRA bomb attack in which British ambassador to Ireland Christopher Ewart-Biggs was killed on July 21st, 1976.

The letter, dated March 8th, 1978, explains how Martin Ennals, a leading figure in Amnesty International, had been contacted by an intermediary from the World Council of Churches.

He conveyed the information through his brother David who was then British secretary of state for social services and it was in turn passed on to British home secretary Merlyn Rees.

Cubbon believed that it was a “credible channel of approach by PIRA” and noted that Rev William Arlow, who had been instrumental in the Feakle talks which led to the truce of 1975, had more recently been in contact with the World Council of Churches about the condition of prisoners in the Maze Prison, Long Kesh. Cubbon believed that it was “credible that PIRA should start a fishing expedition of this sort now”.

It was true that some republicans increasingly “see the campaign as a long haul”. At the same time, “others may wish to use the present level of violence to demonstrate that PIRA are a force to be reckoned with and therefore in a strong bargaining position”.

Cubbon insisted it was “essential that we should not say or do anything in reply that gives any hint that we have considered their message or are taking it seriously”.

“What they might be looking for is some hint of a possible dialogue,” he stated, recommending “that no further communication at all is made to Martin Ennals”. Callaghan agreed that Ennals should be told “to forget it”. There should be a “positive rejection of any offer” and “no inclination whatsoever that we were interested in this”. Another document, released through the National Archives in Dublin, also indicates a willingness on the part of the Provisionals to engage in talks.

A secret intelligence assessment supplied to the government by the Defence Forces, dated February 15th, 1977, states that, “It is now known that feelers were sent out at Christmas by the top PIRA leadership to interest the British authorities in another long ceasefire.”

Papers reveal dirty protest rows

Belfast Telegraph
Tuesday, 30 December 2008

The escalation of the Republican ‘dirty protest’ in the H blocks and the concern it caused the British government is detailed in files just released under the 30-year rule.

Throughout 1978, the protest intensified as prisoners demanded the restoration of their “special status”, abolished in 1976.

But the British Government was determined to stand firm.

The crisis reached a new level on August 1, 1978 with a high profile visit to the Maze by the Primate of All-Ireland Archbishop Tomas O’Fiaich who branded conditions there as “inhuman”.

Archbishop O Fiaich argued that, contrary to the British Government’s contention, these prisoners were “in a different category to the ordinary”.

The Northern Ireland Office (NIO) expressed surprise at Archbishop O Fiaich’s statement and reiterated the Government’s determination to “stand firm in its policy on Special Category status”.

In May Bishop Edward Daly of Derry had written to the NIO proposing a form of ‘emergency status’ as a possible solution to the problem.

But NIO Junior Minister Don Concannon ruled this out.

Emergency status, in the British government’s view, seemed to imply an amnesty at some stage.

This option had been firmly rejected by the Secretary of State, Roy Mason.

Inmates dug tunnel a month at the Maze

News Letter
30 December 2008

PRISONERS at the Maze were digging almost a tunnel a month and even getting beyond the compound – during a period of the 1970s – it has been revealed.

The extent to which tunnelling was a problem is apparent in Northern Ireland Office secret files from 1978.

Photo from Larkspirit

The documents include material from 1973 and 1974 (only made available now as part of the 1978 classified files).

And it was in a 15-month period from May 1973 to September 1974 that 12 tunnels were discovered.

The first tunnel found – on May 1, 1973 – was five feet deep but just 16 feet long.

But the elaborate excavations got deeper and longer in the months ahead.

The last tunnel discovered in that timeframe was the longest of the tunnels.

Uncovered on September 27, 1974, it was 64 feet (with just a two feet drop below ground and its wall shored with timber) and it stretched seven feet outside the compound’s perimeter fence, when it was found.

It appears inmates had either not realised they were out or were awaiting the right moment to try an escape.

Yet, while the internal prisons and government papers focus on attempts to prevent an escape, they also – almost humorously – relate that tunnelling had therapeutic, fitness and morale-boosting values which could not be dismissed.

An NIO report, dated January 12, 1978 – compiled after another fresh tunnel find at the Maze – concluded that tunnelling had a wide range of benefits for prisoners, even when there was no escape.

It was not just popular because it had a high chance of success, an official wrote.

“But because it offers prisoners a form of group exercise, involving much planning and effort – thus providing a boost to morale and so also offering a certain therapeutic value.”

The official wrote after a partially completed escape tunnel was discovered.

It was 36 feet long and excavated within just four days. Another 16 feet would have reached the compound fence.

Issue blankets had been cut up and made into small bags to carry the soil and it was dumped in the roof skins of the dining hall.

Basket ball hoops were used to make a makeshift 18-feet metal extension ladder.

And the tunnel entrance concealed under floor tiles and discovered after “the detection of an excess of carbon dioxide” in area of the hut.

A report on the 1978 tunnel concluded that prisoners burrowing like rats could, in some cases, tunnel from a compound hut and beyond the fence within just seven days, if undetected.

Five new policing teams for city

BBC

Five new neighbourhood policing teams have been set up in east and south Belfast.

They are to work alongside existing police patrols, but their primary focus will be on working with local communities to tackle crime.

“They’ll deal with anti-social behaviour, they’ll deal with youths causing annoyance in the area,” said Superintendent Mark Purdon.

“Those are the issues that really matter to communities.”

Superintendent Purdon added that neighbourhood officers “because they’re out on the streets day in daily, obviously they have a role to play in the prevention and the detection of crime”.

“But more importantly neighbourhood officers are there to deal with the longer term problem-solving that is needed in communities.”

McGuinness: Education, economy top priorities

Breaking News.ie
29/12/2008

Ending the divisions over education reform and building the economy will be the top political priorities for 2009, the North’s deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness said today.

Mr McGuinness said the power-sharing government led by Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) had successfully agreed a deal on the devolution of policing and justice powers.

The agreement ended a split that blocked Executive meetings for five months and Mr McGuinness says replacing the controversial 11-plus school transfer test must now be high on the agenda.

“Just as we resolved the issue of policing and justice, there is a challenge to the DUP and Sinn Féin to find a way forward on education to ensure that all of our children can reach their full potential, and none will receive letters in the post branding them failures,” he said.

“That’s what I see as one of our top priorities going into the new year.”

Mr McGuinness said a push for agreement on education in the year ahead would run alongside a commitment to build the economy and create jobs.

But he added: “The reality is that by dint of the political arrangements, we are tied to the financial constraints that the British government impose on us.

“As we move forward, Gerry Adams and I as Irish republicans want to see an all-island economy.

“And I think there is an ongoing debate about the need to ensure that we have a greater ability and control over our finances, a greater ability to raise finances without putting pressure on people that we represent.”

The deputy First Minister said the power-sharing government and the other political institutions were still bedding down.

“I still caution people, we are still in the infancy stage,” he said. “I know we have our critics out there, there is no shortage of them.

“But I am confident for the future.”

Rumours that Queen ‘did not like Irish’ stalled state visit preparations

Plans for the Queen to make an historic state visit to the Republic of Ireland were stalled 30 years ago by rumours that she did not like Irish people, Government papers show.

By John Bingham
Telegraph.co.uk
30 Dec 2008

The claim was taken seriously enough for a senior civil servant to approach her Private Secretary, Sir Philip Moore, to inquire whether there was any truth in it.

An incomplete Foreign Office file, released to the National Archives, gives no details of any answer received.

But planning for the visit went no further, against a backdrop of security concerns and diplomatic obstacles.

Almost 90 years after the partition of Ireland the question of a state visit remains problematic today.

When it was mooted in 1978, the ambassador to Dublin, Walter Haydon, warned Foreign Office colleagues of the danger of an IRA attack and advised them to defer serious planning until relations were “less accident prone”.

In an internal memo written on June 16, 1978, EAJ Fergusson, a Foreign Office official, wrote: “I now propose to write to the Northern Ireland Office setting out the pros and cons … to seek a more considered expression of their views.”

Referring to an earlier minute which has not been made available, he added: “Meanwhile I wonder whether in the light of ‘the Queen’s alleged dislike of the Irish’ the permanent under-secretary might like to have a word with Sir Philip Moore.

“It would be a pity to go ahead with this if the Queen’s reactions were in the end to prove a serious barrier.”

Hopes of a state visit taking place between the two countries were revived recently.

A delay in devolving policing and justice powers to Stormont, allowing the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, was seen as the last major hurdle.

But a deal between the Democratic Unionists and Sinn Fein broke the impasse last month.

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